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Full text of "The American nation:"

THE AMERICAN NATION 
A HISTORY 



FROM ORIGINAL SOURCES BY ASSOCIATED SCHOLARS 
EDITED BY 

ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, LL.D. 

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY 

ADVISED BY 
VARIOUS HISTORICAL SOCIETIES 

IN 27 VOLUMES 
VOL. 7 



THE AMERICAN NATION 
A HISTORY 



LIST OP AUTHORS AND TITLES 

Group I. 

Foundations op the Nation 

Vol. 1 European Background of American 
History, by Edward Potts Chey- 
ney, A.M., Prof. Hist. Univ. of Pa. 

*' 2 Basis of American History, by 
Livingston Farrand, M.D., Prof. 
Anthropology Columbia Univ. 

" 3 Spain in Ameri ca, by Edward Gay- 
lord Bourne, Ph.D., Prof. Hist. 
Yale Univ. 

" 4 England in America, by Lyon Gar- 
diner Tyler, LL.D., President 
William and Mary College. 

** 5 Colonial Self - Government, by 
Charles McLean Andrews, Ph.D., 
Prof. Hist. Johns Hopkins Univ. 

Group II. 

Transformation into a Nation 

Vol. 6 Provincial America, by Evarts 
Boutell Greene, Ph.D., Prof. Hist, 
and Dean of College, Univ. of 111. 
" 7 France in America, by Reuben 
Gold Thwaites, LL.D., Sec. Wis- 
consin State Hist. Soc. 



Vol. 8 Preliminaries of the Revolution, 
by George Elliott Howard, Ph.D., 
Prof. Hist. Univ. of Nebraska. 
" 9 The American Revolution, by 
Claude Halstead VanTyne.Ph.D., 
Prof. Hist. Univ. of Michigan. 
** ID The Confederation and the Consti- 
tution, by Andrew Cunningham 
McLaughlin, A.M., Head Prof. 
Hist. Univ. of Chicago. 

Group III. 

Development op the Nation 

Vol. II The Federalist System, by John 
Spencer Bassett, Ph.D., Prof. 
Am. Hist. Smith College. 

" 12 The Jeffersonian System, by Ed- 
ward Channing, Ph.D., Prof. Hist. 
Harvard Univ. 
13 Rise of American Nationality, by 
Kendric Charles Babcock, Ph.D., 
Pres. Univ. of Arizona. 

** 14 Rise of the New West, by Freder- 
ick Jackson Turner, Ph.D., Prof. 
Am. Hist. Univ. of Wisconsin. 

** 15 Jacksonian Democracy, by Will- 
iam MacDonald, LL.D., Prof. 
Hist. Brown Univ. 

Group IV. 

Trial of Nationality 

Vol. 16 Slavery and Abolition, by Albert 
Bushnell Hart, LL.D., Prof. Hist. 
Harvard Univ. 



Vol. 17 Westward Extension, by George 
Pierce Garrison, Ph.D., Prof. 
Hist. Univ. of Texas. 

*' 18 Parties and Slavery, by Theodore 
Clarke Smith, Ph.D., Prof. Am. 
Hist. Williams College. 

** 19 Causesof the Civil War,by Admiral 
French Ensor Chadwick, U.S.N. , 
recent Pres. of Naval War Col. 

** 20 The Appeal to Arms, by James 
Kendall Hosmer, LL.D,, recent 
Librarian Minneapolis Pub. Lib. 

*' 21 Outcome of the Civil War, by 
James Kendall Hosmer, LL.D., re- 
cent Lib. Minneapolis Pub. Lib. 

Group V. 
National Expansion 
Vol. 22 Reconstruction, Political and Eco- 
nomic, by William Archibald Dim- 
ning, Ph.D., Prof. Hist, and Politi- 
cal Philosophy Columbia Univ. 
*' 23 National Development, by Edwin 
Erie Sparks, Ph.D., Prof. Ameri- 
can Hist. Univ. of Chicago. 
'* 24 National Problems, by Davis R. 
Dewey, Ph.D., Prof essor of Eco- 
nomics, Mass. Institute of Tech- 
nology. 

*' 25 America as a World Power, by 
John H. Latane, Ph.D., Prof. 
Hist. Washington and Lee Univ. 

*' 26 National Ideals Historically 
Traced, by Albert Bushnell Hart, 
LL.D., Prof. Hist. Harvard Univ. 

** 27 Index to the Series, by David 
Maydole Matteson, A.M. 



COMMITTEES APPOINTED TO ADVISE AND 
CONSULT WITH THE EDITOR 



The Massachusbtts Historical Society 

Charles Francis Adams, LL.D., President 
Samuel A. Green, M.D., Vice-President 
James Ford Rhodes, LL.D., ad Vice-President 
Edward Channing, Ph.D., Prof. History Harvard 
Univ. 

Worthington C. Ford, Chief of Division of MSS. 
Library of Congress 

The Wisconsin Historical Society 

Reuben G. Thwaites, LL.D., Secretary and Super- 
intendent 

Frederick J. Turner, Ph.D., Prof, of American His- 
tory Wisconsin University 

James D. Butler, LL.D., formerly Prof. Wisconsin 
University 

William W. Wight, President 

Henry E. Legler, Curator 

The Virginia Historical Society 

William Gordon McCabe, Litt.D., President 

Lyon G. Tyler, LL.D., Pres. of William and Mary 

College 
Judge David C. Richardson 
J. A. C. Chandler, Professor Richmond College 
Edward Wilson James 

The Texas Historical Society 

Judge John Henninger Reagan, President 
George P. Garrison, Ph.D., Prof, of Histor>' Uni- 
versity of Texas 
Judge C. W. Raines 
Judge Zachary T. FuUmore 



WILLIAM PITT 



THE AMERICAN NATION : A HISTORY 

VOLUME 7 

FRANCE IN AMERICA 
1497-1763 

BY 

REUBEN GOLD THWAITES, LL.D. 

SECRETARY OF THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OP WISCONSIN 

WITH MAPS 




NEW YORK AND LONDON 
HARPER & BROTHERS PUBLISHERS 



Copyright, 1905, by Harpbr & Brothers. 

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 
E-P 



I I 

As- 

' ■ 1 



TO 

MY WIFE 



CONTENTS 



CHAP. PAGE 

Editor's Introduction xv 

Author's Preface xix 

I. The Planting of New France (1497-1632) . 3 

II. The Acadian Frontier (1632-1728) .... 23 

III. The St. Lawrence Valley (1632-1713) . . 34 

IV. Discovery of the Mississippi (1634-1687) . 49 

V. Louisiana and the Illinois (1697-1731) . . 72 

VI. Rivalry with England (17 15-1745) ... 89 

VII. King George's War (1743-1748) 105 

VIII. The People of New France (1750) . . . 124 

IX. Basis op the Final Struggle (i 748-1 752) . 143 

X. Outbreak of War (1752-1754) 157 

XI. A Year of Disaster (1755) 173 

XII. Guarding the Western Frontier (1755- 

1756) 189 

XIII. A Year of Humiliation (1757) 204 

XIV. The Turning of the Scale (1758) . . . 215 

XV. The Fall of Quebec (1759) 239 

XVI. Conquest Approaching (17 59-1 760) . . . . 255 

xiii 



xiv CONTENTS 

CHAP. PAGE 

XVII. The Treaty of Paris (1760-1763) .... 266 

XVIII. Louisiana under Spain (1762-1803) . . . 281 

XIX. Critical Essay on Authorities .... 296 

MAPS 

Maine and Acadia (1603-1763) facing 24 

Progress of French Discovery in the In- 
terior (1600-1762) (in colors) .... ** 36 

The Far West (1686-1754) " 74 

Eastern North America (1740) (in colors) . ** 106 
Champlain and Mohawk Frontiers (1609- 

1763) " 204 

The Western Frontier (1763) ** 256 

North America, as Adjusted by the Peace 

of 1763 {in colors) " 268 



EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION 



IN laying out a series like The American Nation^ 
one of the fundamental difficulties is to bring 
into its proper relations the French colonies and 
their influence on the British settlements. Be- 
ginning simultaneously with the earliest English 
colonization, the French colonies, except in Maine 
and Acadia, were during their whole history sepa- 
rated from the English by immense expanses of 
trackless forest. Hence it is not until well into the 
eighteenth century that the two parallel threads of 
neighborhood colonization are really intertwisted. 

It has seemed wise, therefore, to treat French 
colonization as a continuous episode, especially 
because so far in this series there has been no ac- 
count of the French colonies, except the chapter 
on commercial companies in Cheyney's European 
Background (vol. 1. of The American Nation), the 
chapter on the Florida settlements in Bourne's 
Spain in America (vol. III.), a brief chapter on 
Colonial Neighbors in Tyler's England in America 
(vol. IV.), and the chapters on the English and 
colonial side of the border wars from 1689 to 
1 7 13 in Greene's Provincial America (vol. VI.). 

VOL. VII. — 2 XV 



xvi 



EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION 



Dr. Thwaites has therefore a free field to carry the 
whole subject through, from the beginning of Gallic 
settlement to the expulsion of the French from 
North America in 1763. 

After a brief account of the planting of New- 
France (chap, i.), the author devotes three chap- 
ters to the three fields of French adventure and 
settlement — Acadia, the St. Lawrence, and the Mis- 
sissippi; besides a separate chapter (iv.) on the fas- 
cinating subject of the discovery of the Mississippi. 

Having thus shown how the colonies came to be, 
he devotes chapters vi. and vii. to the wars by 
land and sea in America between 17 13 and 1748; 
then, after an interesting chapter (viii.) on the 
people of New France, about half the book (chaps, 
ix. to xvii.) is devoted to the French and Indian 
War and its territorial results ; then follows a review, 
which will be found novel and serviceable, of the 
conditions of Spanish Louisiana from 1762 down to 
the cession to the United States in 1803. 

The literature of this subject is widely scattered 
and in several languages, and the student will 
find convenient the simimary in the Critical Essay 
on Authorities : it deals rather with the fundamental 
works and collections than with special material 
on small points. 

Although the first part of the book is chrono- 
logically parallel with several others of the series, 
and especially with Greene's Provincial America, it 
does not repeat, but gives between two covers a 



EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION xvii 



succinct account of the origin, progress, and over- 
throw of the French empire in America. The 
western explorations, posts, and settlements of the 
French have especially interested the author, and 
are illustrated by original maps which almost for 
the first time reveal the immense possibilities which 
the French had before them. 



( 



AUTHOR'S PREFACE 



^HE story of the rise and fall of New France 



1 is the most dramatic chapter in American his- 
tory. It has been so admirably related by Francis 
Parkman that to follow in his footsteps may seem 
a daring venture. But the work of Parkman runs 
through twelve octavo volumes, and in this busy 
world comparatively few are willing to undertake 
the task of reading them all, despite the fact that 
France and England in North America is quite as 
entertaining as the best of fiction, and possesses the 
additional charm of verity. There would seem to 
be needed a one-volvime history of New France, 
from the stand-point of relationship with her Eng- 
lish neighbors to the south. Indeed, so intimate 
were these relations, and so far-reaching their con- 
sequences, that no history of the American nation 
can be considered complete that does not, as fully 
as space will permit, outline the remarkable career 
of Canada imder the French regime. 

One cannot treat of this subject without con- 
stantly acknowledging indebtedness to Parkman, 
and rising from the task with a keen apprecia- 
tion of the many-sidedness of that great master. 




XIX 



XX 



AUTHOR'S PREFACE 



Yet it must be remembered that the word of no 
historian is final. Much has been learned since 
the Pioneers of France in the New World went to 
press in 1865, and not a little since the series was 
completed in 1892 with A Half-Century of Conflict. 
On both sides of the international boundary, more 
particularly among the French writers of Canada, 
there has for over a quarter of a century past been 
an unceasing search into the *' deeper deeps" of 
the history of New France. New stores of material 
have been brought to light and published, scores 
of trained historical students have each had a turn 
at these fresh sources, old theories have been criti- 
cally re- examined; and not unnaturally many 
scholars have come to entertain opinions differing 
in some respects from those held by the older 
writers. 

So far as space and the aim of the series allow, 
an attempt has been made in the present volume 
to give the story of New France as it appears to 
modem investigators. Had this book been intend- 
ed to stand alone, more attention would of course 
have been paid to English colonial institutions and 
events, as contrasted with and influencing those of 
the French; but as these matters are sufficiently 
treated in other volumes of the series, repetition of 
facts was imdesirable. Some of the characteristics 
of New France and its people, and certain features 
of its history, are susceptible of much more lib- 
eral treatment than is herein given ; but it is neces- 



AUTHOR'S PREFACE 



xxi 



sary to fashion the garment to the wearer's need, 
and the faithful reader of the series will doubt- 
less find contained in other volumes most if not all 
of that which he may miss in this. It has been 
customary to close the history of New France with 
the treaty of Paris, or in any event the conspiracy 
of Pontiac; the present writer has, however, in the 
interest of dramatic continuity, thought it desirable 
in the concluding chapter briefly to follow the sub- 
sequent fortunes of the French in Lomsiana, until 
their absorption into the American nation. 

Reuben Gold Thwaites. 



1 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



CHAPTER I 

THE PLANTING OF NEW FRANCE 
(1497-1632) 

THIS year [1497] on St. John the Baptist's Day," 
did "our well-beloved John Cabot, citizen of 
Venice," bravely set forth from Bristol in The Mat- 
thew, a little lug-sailed vessel of fifty tons manned 
by less than twenty West-of- England sailors. The 
veteran mariner and his associates had been com- 
missioned by Henry VII. to "set up our banner on 
any new-found land . . . upon their own costs and 
charges, to seek out and discover whatsoever isles 
. . . of the heathen and infidels, which before the 
time have been unknown to all Christians . . . [and] 
to pay to us the fifth part of the capital gain so 
gotten for every then voyage." Fifty-three days 
out, Cabot sighted land somewhere within or 
bordering the Gulf of St. Lawrence. The location 
cannot be stated with definiteness; an animated 
controversy has been waged over the question for 

3 



4 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1497 



several years, Cape Breton Island, Newfoundland, 
Prince Edward's Island, and Labrador having each 
had its champions. The opinion of Dawson, that 
the landfall is in the neighborhood of North Cape, 
on Cape Breton, is, however, growing in favor/ Of 
more immediate consequence to American history 
was the fact that Cabot carried back to England 
news of the rich possibilities of the cod -fishery 
thereabout, especially off the clifE - girt bays of 
Newfoundland . ^ 

Ever since the middle of the fourteenth century, 
and perhaps before, Englishmen, chiefly from the 
port of Bristol, had been catching cod off the shores 
of Iceland, if, indeed, the Labrador coast were not 
included in the range of their activities.^ But 
Cabot's report turned the attention of Bristol men 
to Newfoundland, and thenceforth the Icelandic 
catch held but second place. When, the following 
year, the discoverer departed upon his second 

* Harrisse, "Outcome of the Cabot Quarter-Centenary," in 
Am. Hist. Review, IV., 38-61, would place it in Labrador. 
Dawson, in Can. Royal Soc, Transactions, XII., § 2, pp. 51-112; 
2d series, II., § 2, pp. 3-30; and 2d series, III., § 2, pp. 139-268, 
prefers North Cape, as above. See summing up in Winship, 
Cabot Bibliography, Introd., who thinks Dawson's theory prob- 
able but not proven; and that on the return Cabot's vessel 
skirted Newfoundland as far as Cape Race. 

^Cabot's charter, dated March 5, 1496, cited in Weare, 
Cabot's Discovery, 96; Prowse, Newfoundland, 8. For a more 
detailed discussion of Cabot, see Bourne, Spain in America 
{Am. Nation, III.), chap. v. 

^ Prowse, Newfoundland, 24-29, summarizes the data con- 
cerning early Icelandic fisheries. 



1504] 



NEW FRAXXE 



5 



voyage, Devonshire fishermen and traders — moved 
by the lusty ambitions of a decade wherein the 
habitable portion of the globe had suddenly been 
doubled by the discoveries of maritime adventurers 
— joined forces and sent "out of Bristow [Bristol] 
three or four small ships fraught with sleight and 
grosse wares, as coarse cloth, caps, laces, points, 
and such other," their purpose being to make hauls 
of fish and to barter with the savages of the new 
isle" and the neighboring American littoral.^ 

It is not unlikely that Norsemen were at New- 
foundland early in the eleventh century ; but they 
do not appear to have made any settlement upon 
this new coast, which with its dense forests of conifers 
and almost countless fiords and island fringes so 
closely resembles Norway itself. Claims are made, 
also, that Spanish Basques, who were among the 
most venturesome of deep-sea fishers, had in their 
large, hulk}' craft preceded Cabot by a himdred 
years ; but it is doubtful whether they went in force 
much before 1545. Portuguese fishermen appear 
to have arrived in 1501, and Normans and Bretons 
three years later. ^ Thereafter, for a centur}' and a 
half, htmdreds of fishing-vessels annually resorted 
to the rugged fiords of Newfoundland, their ''winter 
crews" of boat-builders and scaffold-men settling 
themselves in small longshore colonies according to 

* Stowe, Annates, 482. 

2 Prowse, Xewfo midland, 43-49; Harrisse, Decouverte et Evo- 
lution Cartographiqii£ de Terre-Neuve, xxxvii.-lxv. 



6 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



nations — English, French, Portuguese, and Spanish. 
Enormous hauls of cod were made, the fish being 
flayed and dried upon great stagings which lined the 
shores, in much the same manner as to-day ; ^ while 
many vessels searched in northern waters for seals 
and whales. Throughout this long period, although 
the French fisheries were for several generations 
greater than their own, the fierce and hardy men of 
Devon remained in chief control at the stormy isl- 
and outpost — but only as the result of frequent 
bloody struggles with still ruder Basques and 
Bretons — ^fit training for the destruction of the 
Spanish Armada and the ousting of France from 
the American main-land nearly two centuries later. 
After the dispersal of the Armada in 1588, against 
which many a Newfoimdland fishing -craft was 
pitted, England was recognized as mistress of the 
seas, and Spanish ships became almost unknown on 
the Grand Banks, where for forty years they had 
mustered fully two himdred sail and six thousand 
seamen.^ 

Upon this enormous traffic in dried fish, much of 
which was, and still is, marketed in Mediterranean 
ports, and upon the accompanying trade for furs 
with neighboring savages, several towns in northern 
France and western England greatly prospered. 
The numerous landlocked harbors of Newfound- 
land were, in those early days, also centres of a 

* Prowse, Newfoundland, 21, 59, 61, etc. 
^Ibid., 51, 60, 81. 



1588] 



NEW FRANCE 



7 



very considerable international barter — the cloths, 
hats, hosiery, and cordage of west England being 
carried thither in square-bowed fishing-craft, and 
exchanged for oils, wines, and prints brought by the 
larger vessels of Spain and Portugal. 

St. John's was, as well, a port of call for most 
maritime adventurers to North America, of which 
Newfoundland was early recognized as the portal. 
Verrazzano (1524), Cartier (1534, i535> i54i), Ro- 
berval (15 41), Hawkins (1565), Parkhurst (1578), 
and Gilbert (1578, 1583) were but a few of the earli- 
est in the long procession which sought water, pro- 
visions, and recruits in a harbor which by this time 
was almost as familiar to the seamen of western 
Europe as any of their own. Later, the first set- 
tlers of both Virginia and New England found it 
necessary occasionally to resort for succor to their 
Newfoimdland compatriots, whose island colony — 
oldest of England's plantations beyond seas — had 
preceded their own by a well-rounded century. 

What acquaintance European seamen who fre- 
quented Newfoundland had made with the river 
St. Lawrence before the arrival of Jacques Cartier 
is now unknown;^ but it is not unreasonable to sup- 
pose that in their wide range for fish and furs-^ 
during which Labrador was commonly visited- — 
they must not infrequently have entered the great 
estuary and found its coasts narrowing to the banks 
of a tidal stream. Hakluyt makes such a claim for 
* Discussion in Winsor, Cartier to Frontenac, 10-15. 



8 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1534 



English sea-rovers early in the sixteenth century. 
But voyages of this character were seldom recorded, 
and tradition is an uncertain guide. 

In 1534, Cartier, a master-pilot of St. Malo — a 
port which for thirty years had annually despatched 
many vessels to the American fisheries — set out 
under the commands of his royal master, Francis I., 
with the definite purpose of formally extending the 
bounds of France. After touching at Newfound- 
land, he explored the St. Lawrence ''until land 
could be seen on either side.'/ The next year he 
repeated his voyage, and, ascending to Lachine 
Rapids, the head of navigation from the sea, named 
the island mountain at their foot Mont-Royal. His 
report* of a winter's experience (i 535-1 536) in this 
inhospitable climate, near the gray cliff of Quebec, 
gave pause to Frenchmen in their western coloniz- 
ing schemes; further, the king was now engaged at 
home in serious difficulties with Spain, and had 
neither thought, time, nor money for continuing 
the exploration of North America. 

When at last a truce had been declared between 
France and Spain, Cartier was made captain-general 
and pilot of a new fleet of five vessels which was to 
bear to America the king's viceroy, Jean Frangois 
de la Roche, better known as Roberval, from his 
estates in Picardy. A month later than the time 
set, Roberval having failed to arrive, Cartier set sail 

* Brief Recit, printed at Paris in 1545 and since included in 
Pinkerton, Voyages, and other collections. 



1562] 



NEW FRANCE 



9 



with three ships (May, 1541), and in August was 
again at Quebec, where he built a post which he 
abandoned in the spring, thence returning to France. 
It is said that in the Gulf of St. Lawrence he met 
the belated Roberval coming with supplies, and 
with colonists who had for this purpose been liber- 
ated from French jails. The Picard remained for 
a year at Quebec, whose crude fortifications he re- 
stored and bettered, and he attempted some interior 
exploration; but his community was one requiring 
a liberal use of the lash and the gibbet, and gave 
him little peace. There are reports that Cartier was 
sent to bring him home in 1543. After the king's 
settlement of the accounts of the joint expedition 
(April 3, 1544), both Cartier and Roberval pass from 
our view.^ 

France was now in the throes of civil war; the 
Huguenots, struggling bitterly against the domina- 
tion of a hierarchy which rigidly controlled the state, 
engaged all of the king's means of repression. Seek- 
ing a refuge for his persecuted countrymen, the 
great Huguenot leader. Admiral Coligny, attempted 
to establish a colony of French Protestants in 
America. His Port Royal, planted in 1562 on the 
river Broad, proved a failure; and a settlement of 
two years later, on St. John's River, was razed by 
jealous Spaniards sallying from St. Augustine.^ 

^ Winsor, Cartier to Frontenac, 23-47; Tyler, England in 
America {Am. Nation, IV.), 284-286. 

2 Bourne, Spain in America (Am. Nation, III.), chap. xii. 

VOL. VII. — 3 



10 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



It was not until 1598^ that another attempt was 
made by France, this time to found a colony on the 
St. Lawrence. In that year Troilus du Mesgonez, 
Marquis de la Roche, headed two ships laden with 
the usual crowd of degenerates — for in that day 
the sweepings of jails and gutters were commonly 
thought to furnish proper material for colonization 
over -seas. Landing his unmanageable vagabonds 
on lonely Sable Island, he essayed to search for a 
site on the main-land, far beyond ; but storms drove 
his ships back to France, where he at once fell into 
political difficulties which resulted in his imprison- 
ment. It was not until five years later that a 
chance rescue came to the abandoned colonists, who 
had had a pitiful experience, dallying with death 
upon this sandy reef which lies in a region of al- 
most perpetual mists and chilling blasts. 

In 1600 a commercial partnership was formed be- 
tween Francois Grave, the Sieur du Pont (com- 
monly called Pontgrave), a St. Malo trading mariner 
who had been upon the St. Lawrence as far up as 
Three Rivers; a wealthy Honfleur merchant, Pierre 
Chauvin, who was a Calvinist friend of Henry IV. ; 
and another rich Calvinist named Pierre du Guast, 
Sieur de Monts. Despite the vigorous protests of 
St. Malo merchants, who asserted that their long 
protection of French rights in that quarter gave 
them a claim to the American trade, to these three 
men was granted a royal monopoly of the fur-trade 

^Possibly 1578; Winsor, Cartier to Frontenac, 76, gives 1590. 



NEW FRANCE 



II 



in the New World/ They made two successful 
voyages to Tadoussac, but the majority of the men 
left behind to build a fort met death from cold and 
starvation. 

Chauvin dying, he was succeeded by Amyar de 
Chastes, a prominent friend of the king, who con- 
tracted a partnership with Pontgrave and several 
Rouen and St. Malo traders. In 1603, Pontgrave 
took out with him Samuel de Champlain, com- 
missioned by the king as pilot and chronicler of 
the expedition, which proceeded as far as Lachine 
Rapids, and returned Vvith large cargoes of furs. 
Champlain was an experienced seaman who had 
commanded a vessel in AYest Indian w^aters, and 
now entered upon a career which has made him 
perhaps the most famous figure, as he certainly is 
one of the most picturesque, in the romantic his- 
tory of New France.^ 

Upon reaching Honfleur they learned that De 
Chastes had died, thus leaving without a head the 
colonization scheme on which Pontgrave and Cham- 
plain were to report. By permission of the king, 
however, his place was taken by that equally dis- 
tinguished nobleman the Sieur de Monts — "a gen- 
tleman of great respectability, zeal, and honesty," 
declares Champlain — whose voyage to Tadoussac 

^ Biggar, Early Trading Companies of New France, "traces the 
birth and growth of commerce dowm to the year 1632." 

2 Siafter, memoir in Prince Soc. ed of Champlain' s Voyages; 
Gravier, Champlain. 



12 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1603 



we have already chronicled. De Monts was given 
the viceroyalty and trade monopoly of all of North 
America between the fortieth and forty-sixth de- 
grees of latitude, with directions to found a set- 
tlement. It was specified in his commission that 
Huguenot colonists were to be granted religious 
freedom ; but the savages must be instructed in the 
faith of Rome. 

De Monts, Champlain, Pontgrave, and a friend of 
De Monts, the Baron de Poutrincourt, set forth in 
three ships, accompanied by some six score of arti- 
sans, both Catholics and Protestants, who were re- 
spectively served by *'a priest and a minister." 
Touching in the neighborhood of what is now An- 
napolis Royal, Nova Scotia — at Lower Granville, on 
the northwest shore of Annapohs Basin— Poutrin- 
court concluded to settle there, and, styling the 
place Port Royal, returned home for his family. 
The others proceeded to St. Croix Island (June, 
1605), at the head of Passamaquoddy Bay, near the 
present boundary between Maine and New Bruns- 
wick ; but the following spring, after a winter of rare 
suffering and death-dealing scurvy, moved to Port 
Royal, which thus was the first enduring French set- 
tlement planted on the main-land of North America. 
An entertaining and spirited account of life at this 
lonely outpost has come down to us from the pen of 
Lescarbot,^ a lawyer-poet who was of the gay com- 
pany whom De Monts and his colleagues had gathered 
^ Lescarbot, Hisioire de la Noptvelle France, 



NEW FRANCE 



13 



about them. But an alleged wholesale conversion 
of natives by the priest of the party, widely herald- 
ed at the time, appears to have been a clever pre- 
tence to win the favor of the Catholic court/ 

The superior defensiveness of Quebec was early 
appreciated; nevertheless, the Bay of Fundy, and 
particularly the isolated eastern peninsula, early 
called Acadia, was strategically of immense impor- 
tance to the coast of New France. Hence, Acadia 
was firmly held against English claims and suffered 
the usual hard fate of a buffer colony. 

England claimed North America by virtue of the 
discoveries of the two Cabots (i 497-1 498), France by 
that of Verrazzano (1524), and the Spanish by Co- 
lumbus's voyages, quickly followed by internal ex- 
ploration. The sixteenth century witnessed abor- 
tive colonizing efforts north of the Gulf of Mexico 
by all three nations ; but it was not until the open- 
ing of the seventeenth that the contest seriously 
commenced. Eight years after Henry IV. of France 
had given to De Monts the country between the 
fortieth and forty-sixth parallels, Louis XHL, dis- 
regarding this grant, conveyed (161 2) the region 
between Florida and the St. Lawrence to Madame 
de Guercheville and the Jesuits. Early in the cen- 
tury James I. of England began also to parcel 
out the continent, his first beneficiaries being (1606) 
the combined London and Plymouth companies. 

* See Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, I., for details and for Lescar- 
bot's memoir on the event. 



14 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



In 1613, Samuel Argall, "a Virginia sea-captain 
of piratical tastes," who was later to be governor 
of that province, without warning svvooped down 
upon the French colonies at Port Royal and 
on Mount Desert Island — the latter a Jesuit out- 
post on the firing-line — ^burned the buildings, and 
expelled the inhabitants/ Nine years after this 
outrage (1622), and while the former residents w^ere 
gradually repeopling the shores of Annapolis Basin, 
James I. conveyed to Sir William Alexander, Earl of 
Stirling, the Acadian peninsula which the French 
held by right of occupation, but which the English 
king now claimed and rechristened Nova Scotia. 
In addition to Nova Scotia, Sir William was grant- 
ed a generous strip three himdred miles wide, up 
the gulf and river of St. Lawrence. The new owner 
of Acadia brought over a few Scotch and English, who 
settled at and refortified old Port Royal, the French 
habitants having several years previously removed 
to the site of the present Annapolis Royal, some 
twelve miles farther up the basin. But it was im- 
possible to make headway against their French 
neighbors. The latter soon absorbed the fresh ar- 
rivals, w^hose descendants, Gallicized both in name 
and blood, in the following century took sides against 
Great Britain. 

Although stronger than Sir William's handful of 
immigrants, the French colony in Acadia was still 
feeble. Few of the settlers were adept at agricult- 

* Tyler, England in America (^Am. Nation, IV.), 72, 289. 



1650] 



NEW FRANCE 



15 



ure; the native population was small, and the 
hunting-ground was limited, with consequent re- 
striction of the fur - trade. The original seigneur, 
Poutrincourt, had lacked sufficient resources, and 
owing to the fickleness of the Versailles court was 
able to give sHght assistance. His son and successor, 
Biencourt, became a coitreur de hois, and long lived 
on much the same scale as his aboriginal compan- 
ions; while his successors, the La Tours and d'Aul- 
nay, rival fur-trade chiefs and corsairs, fought a 
bloody feud that lasted until the death of the lat- 
ter in 1650.^ This internecine war, abounding in 
piratical raids of the most furious character, kept 
the shores of the Bay of Fundy in a constant and 
improfitable turmoil throughout nearly half a cen- 
tury; the unfortunate habitants — fishers, trappers, 
hunters, and roving adventurers, many of them 
half-breeds, but none of them paying much more 
attention to their fields than did the Indians — 
being ranged like feudal retainers in tlie service of 
their respective lords. ''They- belonged to an 
epoch that is lost in the mists of antiquity. Bien- 
court, d'Aulnay, the two de la Tours, Saint-Castin, 
Denys, Subercasse, Marpain, are so many legendary 
heroes whose names are still re-echoed by forest 

'See detailed narrative by Parkman, "The Feudal Chiefs of 
Acadia," in Atlantic Monthly, LXXI., 25, 201; Mass. Hist. 
Soc, Collections , 3d series, VII., 90-121; Quebec Hist. Soc, 
Transactions, III., 236-241; lia.za,vd, Hist. Collections, I., 307— 
309, 541-544; Charlevoix, A'^ew France (Shea's ed.), III., 124- 
138. 



i6 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1607 



and rock from New Hampshire to the inmost re- 
cesses of the Bay of Fundy." ^ 

Sir William Alexander was able to maintain a 
nominal hold upon the country only by spasmodi- 
cally coming to terms with whichever fur-trade 
faction chanced at the moment to be uppermost — 
a feat of opportunist diplomacy imitated by the 
French court, whose authority the prevailing chief- 
tain also privately acknowledged. Throughout all 
the nominal changes in political mastery, this little 
theatre of discord witnessed the same play of miser- 
able international intrigue, reprehensible to all con- 
cerned, which was to end in the ruin of the unhappy 
Acadians. 

Convinced that the rock of Quebec was far better 
suited than Port Royal for the needs of a strong- 
hold of French power, Champlain induced De Monts 
to authorize a colony there. The latter thereupon 
secured for his friend the governorship of New 
France, and sent him out with Pontgrave in two 
well-equipped ships to found (July, 1608) the 
capital of the king's western possessions. It was 
a fortunate site, not only far removed from the 
meddlesome EngHsh, who were now estabhshed at 
Jamestown (1607), and were freely examining the 
Atlantic coast with a disposition to regard the 
French as intruders, but advantageously situated 
for commanding the Indian traffic of an immense 

'Richard, Acadia, I, 28; Tyler, England in America {Am. 
Nation, IV.), 289, 306-310. 



NEW FRANCE 



17 



drainage basin, and for despatching exploring ex- 
peditions to the interior. The cliff overtowering 
the little settlement on the strand of Quebec was 
under ordinary conditions practically impregnable, 
and seemed an ideal situation for a fortress guard- 
ing the door of a vast continent. 

Various motives contributed to the establish- 
ment and maintenance of New France. The king 
very naturally was moved by a passion for terri- 
torial expansion; the church was eager to convert 
the heathen savages of the New World; the fur- 
trade, although abounding in great risks, was at 
times so profitable as to stimulate the cupidity of 
merchants ; the hope of finding deposits of precious 
metals was predominant in the minds of speculators ; 
the army and the navy were ambitious for gallant 
exploits; and the French people in general were in 
that eventful period imbued with a generous yearn- 
ing for adventure in strange lands. Conquest, ex- 
ploration, missionary zeal, and the fur-trade were, 
therefore, for a hundred and fifty years the control- 
ling and often warring interests of New France. 

Champlain, who loved to roam, in person con- 
ducted several exploring parties, chiefly up the 
Saguenay and the Ottawa, and into the country 
around Lake Champlain. In 161 5 he was upon the 
shores of Lake Huron, vainly searching for a west- 
ering waterway through the heart of the continent. 
In 1634 one of his agents, Jean Nicolet, penetrated 
as far as Wisconsin and made trading compacts 



i8 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1609 



with the tribesmen of that distant land.^ The 
year following (December 25, 1635), the advent- 
urous, pious, and tactful governor departed from 
this life. With its back to the wall, the hamlet of 
Quebec had under his guidance defied savage ene- 
mies, the forbidding climate, the meagre soil, and 
all the numerous train of obstacles which at first 
beset European colonization in the North American 
wilderness. From a political point of view, Cham- 
plain had laid deep the foundations of New France ; 
he had spread the sphere of French influence north- 
ward to the barren lands of Labrador and Lake St. 
John, w^estward as far as the interlocking streams 
which in Wisconsin form the principal canoe route 
to the Mississippi, and southward to the banks of the 
Mohawk and the Hudson ; while through the active 
vehicle of intertribal barter Paris -made weapons 
and utensils had penetrated into the most distant 
tribes of the continental interior.^ 

In another important particular, however, Cham- 
plain's dreams had not been realized. He earnestly 
sought to make of New France an agricultural 
colony ; but we have seen that the enterprise origi- 
nated with a commercial monopoly which, while 

' Butterfield, Discovery of the Northwest; Wis. Hist. Collections, 
XL, 1-25. 

2 Specifically, Sagard, Histoire dii Canada (ed. of 1866), 193, 
194; Marquette, in Jesuit Relations (Thwaites's ed.), LIX., 127; 
La Chesnaye (1697), in Margry, Decouvertes et Etablissements 
des Frangais, VL, 3. On the whole subject, Parkman, Pioneers 
of New France, 230; Turner, Indian Trade in Wisconsin {Johns 
Hopkins University Studies, IX., Nos. 11, 12). 



NEW FRANCE 



19 



pleasing the court with a pretence of concern for 
Christianizing the heathen, doubtless had no further 
desire than to extract from the countr}^ its full 
measure of profit in trading with the natives for 
furs. Until 1663 the colony on the St. Lawrence 
maintained a precarious existence under the bane- 
ful management of a succession of self-seeking cor- 
porations. The winning of a sustenance from the 
reluctant soil of eastern Canada required greater 
toil and thrift than mercantile adventurers w^ere 
willing to bestow; the far-stretching rivers were a 
continual invitation to explore and exploit the 
wilderness and its strange inhabitants; the fur 
trade was the only apparent source of wealth — just 
as cod - fisheries were accounted the one valuable 
asset of Newfoundland and of the maritime colo- 
nies on the shores of Acadia, where Poutrincourt 
and his successors and rivals were leading factious 
but picturesque careers. 

The trading and colonizing charter granted to 
De Monts had been cancelled in 1609. For two 
years Champlain kept the plantation alive mainly 
by the aid of merchant adventurers in Rouen ; when 
they w^ithdrew (161 1) he secured the formation of 
a new^ company, composed of merchants in Rouen, 
Havre, St. Malo, and La Rochelle. This concern 
finally went to pieces through jealousy, and amid a 
storm' of complaints that certain members w^ere sell- 
ing arms and ammunition to the savages and thus 
endangering the Quebec settlement. The Company 



20 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1611 



of Associates was thereupon organized, with Cham- 
plain and De Monts as the most prominent mem- 
bers ; but religious and commercial differences arose, 
and in the midst of the quarrels Champlain for a 
time stood in danger of losing his command. In 
1620 the corporation was dissolved, its successor 
being what is known as the Company of De Caen. 
Seven years later Richelieu secured the dissolution 
of the latter and the substitution of his own monop- 
oly, commonly called the Company of the Hundred 
Associates. This powerful organization was grant- 
ed almost sovereign jurisdiction throughout the vast 
transatlantic claims of the French, extending from 
Florida to the arctic circle, and from Newfound- 
land to the "great fresh lake" of Huron. ^ 

Previous monopolies had included Protestants in 
their membership, and much of the trouble origi- 
nated from religious dissension, for it was a time 
when men could not peacefully agree to disagree 
in such matters. The Hundred Associates,^ how- 
ever, admitted none but Catholics. Huguenots and 
foreigners were not permitted to enter New France, 
and for fifteen years the company was to maintain 
and equip priests at each settlement or station. 
While internal harmony was thus secured, the re- 
sult was most unfortunate; for among the Hugue- 

' See analysis and references upon this charter in Cheyney, 
European Background {Am. Nation, I.), 156-160. 

* Actually one hundred and seven. See list in Du Creux, 
Historia Canadensis, sig. b; the charter and other interesting 
particulars in Suite, Histoirc des Canadtens-F rangais , II., 27-33. 



NEW FRANCE 



21 



nots now being harried from France were some of 
the best material in the nation; and, forbidden to 
enter Canada, these vigorous people were soon em- 
ployed in developing rival English colonies to the 
south. 

From the first, the court, largely influenced by 
the church, was much concerned with the conver- 
sion of the Indians. The Calvinist De Monts had 
been allowed to take out Huguenot ministers for 
those of his companions who wished them; but 
missions to the natives must be conducted solely 
by Catholic clergy. Jesuits had been ordered to New 
France by King Henry IV. as early as 1610; but 
their experiences were not happy, for at Port Royal 
Poutrincourt's son opposed them, and we have seen 
that at Mount Desert English sea - rovers from 
Virginia demolished their settlement (16 13). In 
161 5 Champlain introduced to Quebec four mem- 
bers of the fraternity of Recollects, the most au- 
stere of the three Franciscan orders. For ten 
years these gray friars practised the rites of the 
church in the Canadian woods, all the way from 
the fishing and trading-post of Tadoussac, at the 
mouth of the Saguenay, to the western lake of 
the Nipissings, on the road to Lake Huron. But 
when Richelieu began to assume control, the argu- 
ment was advanced that ministrations of a sterner 
order were needed for this work. The Recollects 
were therefore induced to invite the aid of the pow- 
erful Jesuits, who just then were conducting sue- 



22 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1625 

cessful missions in Asia, Africa, and South America. 
In 1625 three of the "black gowns" appeared at 
Quebec, and immediately the field of operations 
broadened, although it was soon seen that the suc- 
cessful promulgation of the peaceful doctrines of 
Christianity was to be no holiday task among the 
warlike tribes of the great Algonquian family/ 

In July, 1628, a predatory English fleet under 
Admiral Sir David Kirk took possession of Tadous- 
sac, and a year later secured the unresisting sur- 
render of Quebec from the hands of Champlain, who 
had with him only sixteen combatants. The gov- 
ernor, together with the missionaries, were trans- 
ported to England, but eventually they were al- 
lowed to proceed to France. Three years later 
(1632) Canada was retroceded to France,^ the Hun- 
dred Associates now began their work in earnest, 
and the Jesuits v/ere allowed a monopoly of the in- 
terior missions, which they rapidly developed; the 
Recollects being thereafter confined to the mari- 
time districts — the ill-defined region to which was 
now applied the general term Acadia, heretofore 
chiefly confined to the Nova Scotia peninsula. 

^ Details in Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, passim. 

' Cf. Tyler, England in America {Am, Nation, IV.), 290. 



CHAPTER II 



THE ACADIAN FRONTIER 
(1632-1728) 

ANOTHER wave of foreign war reached the shores 
ii of Acadia in 1654, when Port Royal, Fort St. 
Jean (the St. John of our day), and other little 
strongholds on the Bay of Fundy, fell victims to a 
New England force under Major Robert Sedgwick, 
a sturdy Cromwellian soldier who held a commis- 
sion from the Protector. Thirteen years later (1667) 
the peninsula was restored to France by the treaty 
of Breda, the white population at that time be- 
ing only about four hundred souls, of whom less 
than a fourth lived beyond cannon-shot of Port 
Royal.^ 

Isolated, neglected by France, having but slight 
communication with Canada, and constantly ex- 
posed to naval assaults from the English colonies 
to the south, the little band of Acadians had by 
this time acquired characteristics all their own. 
They had become toughened by the harsh condi- 

^In estimates of Acadian population, we follow Richard, 
Acadia. 



23 



24 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1632 



tions of a protracted civil war, the frequent strug- 
gles now imposed upon them by English invaders, 
and the roving character of their life, to an inde- 
pendence of thought and action seldom met with 
elsewhere in New France. Affairs were discussed 
and decided in public meetings, much after the 
fashion of New England, and the habitants were ac- 
customed to the necessity of thinking for them- 
selves. The frugal habits and simple tastes and 
manners of their forebears w^ere tenaciously retained ; 
bookishly ignorant, they were easily satisfied as to 
material things ; they held devotedly to the Catholic 
faith, being content to allow the priests, men quite 
of their own type, to influence their action in tem- 
poral as well as in spiritual aft'airs. Hating the 
English as they had good right to — for heretic 
raiders from New England, bent on burning and 
harrying these coastwise settlements, had become 
an annual possibility — nevertheless, they were apt 
to find themselves happier under English rule, 
which, when the carnage ceased, at least left them 
free to manage their own domestic affairs; whereas 
fussy French officialism, seeking to fasten upon 
them the feudal conditions elsew^here prevalent 
in New France, greatly annoyed these honest 
folk who had become accustomed to tow-n-meeting 
methods. 

There were, and could be, no definite bounds be- 
tween New England and New France, each growing 
and aggressive. The Bay of Fundy region was in 



i 



1689] 



ACADIAN FRONTIER 



25 



constant dispute. To France it was necessary as 
protection to her portal, the Gulf of St. Lawrence; 
to the English this argument was in itself sufficient 
reason for covetousness. 

Thus far there had been no serious attempt on 
the part of English colonists to venture westward 
of the Alleghany barrier ; but they w^ere now eagerly 
spreading all over the Atlantic slope, and the ad- 
venturous spirits of New England and New York 
found their outlet to the north. Their stockaded 
trading-posts, soon surrounded by hamlets of back- 
woodsmen, were being established all along the 
eastern frontier of Indian tribes who in the west 
and north were the neighbors of New France. The 
French, on the other hand, were reaching down into 
Maine and New Hampshire with their fur-trade and 
mission stations. 

A clash was inevitable. Frenchmen upon the 
Bay of Fundy had had long and severe military 
training; among them were competent Indian lead- 
ers, and Algonquian blood coursed the veins of some 
of the most prominent of the men of European race, 
while the spirit of conquest was abroad. The Eng- 
lish borderers, in their block - house farmsteads, 
were not long in discovering that Acadia had be- 
come a hotbed for French and Indian marauding 
parties that fought with torch and tomahawk. 
Acadian fishermen also sought to capture English 
fishing- vessels that entered upon their waters. It 
is small wonder that between the treaty of Breda 

VOL. VII. — 4 



26 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [i6^g 



and 17 lo Port Royal alone suffered five assaults 
from New England expeditions/ 

King William's War (168 9- 1697) occurred when 
the entire population of New France was not great- 
er than twelve thousand, whereas New England and 
New York alone held a hundred thousand inhabi- 
tants. New France would have suffered severely 
in a struggle with the English coast colonies, had 
it not been for the help of her Indian allies, the 
strategical strength of her important posts, the 
fighting capacity of her well-trained militia, and 
the dissensions which existed in the councils of the 
English colonists. 

French operations in this war, under Governor 
Frontenac, were vigorous, consisting of three winter 
expeditions (1689-1691), in which Indians were 
chiefly engaged, savagely attacking the long line of 
English frontier at widely separated points — New 
York, New Hampshire, and Maine. Great alarm 
was thereby occasioned in the English colonies, and 
small wonder; for, despite the relative strength of 
her children over-sea, at this time the population and 
resources of the mother-land were less than half 
those of France, which was the strongest country in 
Europe ; and Louis XIV. was actuated by a lust for 
land which in the end was to prove fatal, but to 

^ In 1680, 1690, 1704, 1707, 1710. Calnek and Savary, 
County of Annapolis, 34-62; Charlevoix, New France, III., 211, 
v., 170, 191 — 201; Nova Scotia Hist. Collections, I., 59-64; 
Hutchinson, Hist, of Mass. Bay, II., 1 43-1 71, 182-184, 196- 
204. 



1697] 



ACADIAX FRONTIER 



27 



the Englishmen of his time appeared seriously to 
threaten English colonization in America. 

The Iroquois and several of the western tribes, 
notably the Ottawa, were egged on b}' them to at- 
tack the French, which they did with a barbarity 
quite equalling the Algonquian forays on English 
backwoodsmen. For a time these irregular counter 
raids seemed insufficient, and the first colonial con- 
gress was held at New York Q.Iay i, 1690) to devise 
joint expeditions against Canada. The result proved 
feeble, but the convention was historicalh' impor- 
tant as furnishing a precedent for future colonial 
co-operation.^ A New England fleet with eighteen 
hundred militia commanded by Sir "William Phipps, 
captured Port Royal that summer, and consequent- 
ly Acadia; but in the following season, Phipps 
having left too small a, garrison, the French habi- 
tants retook the district, and their king retained it 
under the treaty of Ryswick (1697).^ 

Other incidents of the war were the yielding of 
Newfoundland to the French (1696), who held the 
great island until obHged under the treaty to sur- 
render it the following year; and five years of ir- 
regular bushranging along the New York and New 
England border, both sides freely using Indian 
allies, a practice in which the French were by train- 
ing, temperament, and association the more expert. 

^ Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, 90-93, gives Tnaterial from 
Massachusetts archives not readih^ accessible elsewhere. 

? Cf. Greene, Provincial America (Am. Xation.Yl.) , chap, viii. 



28 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1697 



The treaty did not, however, bring peace to the 
harassed borderers. Intercolonial hostilities of a 
merciless character continued spasmodically along 
the frontier throughout the period of five years be- 
tween the treaty of Ryswick and the breaking-out, 
in 1702, of Queen Anne's War, known in Europe 
as the War of the Spanish Succession. The mili- 
tary operations of the latter were of a character 
similar to those of the preceding war. Of three 
attempts made by New England troops to recapt- 
ure the peninsula (1704, 1707, and 17 10), the last 
was successful, Port Royal surrendering to Colonel 
Francis Nicholson after an heroic defence of nine- 
teen days. 

By the terms of the treaty of Utrecht (1713),^ 
"All of Nova Scotia or Acadia, comprised in its 
ancient limits, as also the city of Port Royal," was 
definitively ceded to Great Britain, in whose hands 
it thereafter remained, the first solid step in the 
conquest of New France. The indefinite, indeed 
curiously clumsy, phrasing of this description, of 
course settled nothing as to the boundaries be- 
tween New France and the English colonies. These 
were to be determined by a joint commission, which 
was, however, never appointed, possibly because the 
questions involved were of too delicate a nature 
for arbitration; a half -century later they were re- 
ferred to the arbitrament of war. 

^ Text in Chalmers, Treaties; Gerard, Peace of Utrecht; Houston, 
JDocs. lllus, Canadian Constitution. 



ACADIAN FRONTIER 



29 



In the absence of definitive boundaries, the 
French now stoutly asserted that by the teim 
Acadia was meant only the peninsula of Nova 
Scotia, a plausible contention in view of the treaty 
phrase; and the English were caustically notified 
not to meddle with the rest of the country, espe- 
cially to the west and southwest of the Bay of Fundy, 
involving most of the hotly disputed border-line 
between New France and New England. The 
French claim extended to the Kennebec River, 
and up to that stream they proceeded to strengthen 
their defences. 

On the other hand, the English contended for 
what they claimed to be the common understand- 
ing: that Acadia (which in 1691 was included in the 
new charter of Massachusetts) comprised also Cape 
Breton, New Brunswick, and so much of Maine as 
lay beyond the Kennebec. This position found 
abundant warrant in old French documents, it 
being proved that therein, so long as the French 
were in control, the term Acadia was accepted 
among them as embracing the entire stretch of coun- 
try between the Kennebec and the St. Lawrence. 
As Lahontan said in 1703: "The Coast of Acadia 
extends from Kenebeki, one of the frontiers of New 
England, to ITsle Percee, near the Mouth of the 
River of St. Lawrence. This Sea-Coast runs almost 
three hundred Leagues in length."^ Already Eng- 

^Thwaites, Lahontan'' s Voyages, I., 323; see also dociiments 
in Parkman, Half -Century of Conflict, App., 273-287, 



,3o FRANCE IN AMERICA [1713 

lish fishing and trading stations had crept up along 
the coast as far as the Kennebec, and preparations 
for a still farther advance were evident/ 

The Kennebec forms with the Chaudiere, which 
empties into the St. Lawrence opposite Quebec, a 
possible although difficult portage route for war 
and trading parties, and was frequently used by 
French and Indians upon their marauding raids. 
Indeed, the long and undulating water-shed between 
the St. Lawrence and the Atlantic drainage abounds 
in cliains of lakes and opposite-flowing rivers which 
can be used in short-cut journeys between the lower 
St. Lawrence and the sea. Throughout all this in- 
teresting region of forest and stream, English and 
French traders and adventurers frequently met and 
fought ; but the Kennebec, as the chief trade-route 
and war-path, with memories of both King William's 
and Queen Anne's wars, was adopted by the French 
as their boundary, and became the bone of a heated 
contention. 

The Massachusetts policy of maintaining among 
the tribesmen official trading-posts, with fair prices 
for furs, had, south of the Kennebec, secured to the 
Puritans the friendship of the natives and a long 
peace. But the Abenaki, in the Kennebec valley 
and to the north, remained firm in their adherence 
to New France. Jesuit missionaries had converted 
them, and taught their wards to hate the overbear- 
ing and land-grabbing English, who would ruin the 

^ See Tyler, England in America (Ain. Nation, IV.), chap. xvi. 



1713] ACADIAN FRONTIER 31 

hunting-grounds by converting them into farms . 
After the treaty of Utrecht the French strengthened 
this alliance, and stockaded the native villages, there- 
by seeking to create a dense line of Indian op- 
position along the Kennebec that could not be 
penetrated by importunate borderers from the 
south/ 

The most important Abenaki town was Norridge- 
wock, seventy -five miles above the river -mouth. 
Its spiritual director was Father Sebastien Rale, 
concerning whose ability and energy as a missionary, 
and skill in savage leadership, there can be no 
doubt; but politically he was a bigot, and hated 
Englishmen as though the children of the evil one. 
Agricultural settlements from ^lassachusetts stead- 
ily increased in this quarter. It maddened the 
nervous and excitable Rale to find the English 
frontiersmen stolidly indift'erent to arguments and 
threats. The new-comers obtained lands by pur- 
chase from certain Indian chiefs; but the authority 
of these chiefs to dispose of the common hunting- 
ground was denied by Rale and the rank and file 
of the tribesmen — properly enough, for the Indian 
polity is intensely democratic, and the chief can only 
act when his followers consent; moreover, Indians 
could not in those early days comprehend the 

^ Documents and discussions in Baxter, Xen' France in New 
England; X. Y. Docs. Rel. to Col. Jlist., IN., 909-912, 933-935; 
Thwaites, Jesuit Relations , LXVII., 55-65, 97-119; Franklin, 
Writings (Sparks's ed.), IV., 7, 8. 



32 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



meaning of a permanent land transfer, their notion 
being that the courtesy of a temporary occupancy 
was alone sought, and that in due time they would 
be permitted to regain their hunting-grounds. 

While Rale, in the intensity of his Anglophobia, 
may not have personally incited his people to actual 
warfare, he nevertheless maintained close touch 
with the officials at Quebec and Louisburg, who 
neglected no means of fostering bad blood; and he 
connived at the introduction of war-parties of Ot- 
tawa, who stirred his flock to frenzy. In 17 21 the 
New England border was cruelly swept by savage 
raids, the inception of which was easily traceable to 
Norridgewock. The usual quarrels and jealousies 
between the Massachusetts governor and assem- 
bly led to a two years' delay in retribution; but in 
1723 an initial raid was made by Massachusetts 
men upon the Penobscot, and a French missionary 
village was destroyed; this being followed the next 
season by a further punitive expedition of two hun- 
dred volunteers, who proceeded up the Kennebec, 
successfully stormed Norridgewock, and in the en- 
suing massacre killed Rale himself.^ All along the 
Kennebec, Abenaki were now slaughtered without 
mercy by bands of Massachusetts rangers, whose 
zest for killing was, when jaded, stimulated by an 

^Baxter, New France in New England, 937-273; Parkman, 
Half-Century of Conflict, I., 229-239; Charlevoix, New France, 
v., 268-281 ; Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, LXVII., 231-247; N. Y. 
Docs. Rel. to Col. Hist., IX., 936-939; Mass. Hist. Soc, Collec- 
tions, 2d series, VIII., 245-267. 



1723] 



ACADIAN FRONTIER 



33 



official reward, for each savage scalp, of a hundred 
pounds in depreciated provincial currency. 

This irregular border strife, which lasted through- 
out four dark and bloody years, while the mother- 
countries were still at peace, early extended as far 
west as the Hudson. As usual in such cases, in 
the end the blow fell heaviest upon the savages 
themselves. Left alone, the tribesmen might soon 
have pleaded for mercy from English wrath; but 
French officials on the St. Lawrence, and French 
partisans in the Acadian settlements, ^vould hear of 
no yielding on the part of their dusky dogs of war, 
and so the weary strife went on. It meant the 
sapping of the strength of New France. To New 
England, the bitter experience proved a fit training- 
school for the independent yeomen who were in 
mighty struggles first to oust their French rivals, 
and then cast oft' the leading - strings of mother 
England herself. 



CHAPTER III 



THE ST. LAWRENCE VALLEY 
(1632-1713) 

FROM the time of the restoration of New France 
(1632) till the final catastrophe of 1759, Canada 
remained uninterruptedly French; and from the 
tide-water of the St. Lawrence as a base, French 
traders, soldiers, and settlers (habitants) spread 
westward, northward, and eventually southward. 
In the year of the restoration probably not over a 
hundred and eighty of its inhabitants might prop- 
erly be called settlers, with perhaps a few score 
military men, seafarers, and visiting commercial 
adventurers. The majority of residents of course 
centred at Quebec, with a few at the outlying trad- 
ing-posts of Tadoussac on the east, Three Rivers on 
the west, and the intervening hamlets of Beaupre, 
Beauport, and Isle d'Orleans. At the same time 
the English and Dutch settlements in Virginia, the 
Middle Colonies, and Massachusetts had probably 
amassed an aggregate population of twenty-five 
thousand — for between the years 1627 and 1637 
upward of twenty thousand settlers emigrated thith- 
er from Europe. While the English government 

34 



i6i5] ST. LAWRENCE VALLEY 



35 



was engaged in efforts to repress the migration 
towards its own colonies, the utmost endeavors of 
the powerful French companies, their arguments 
reinforced by bounties, could not induce more than 
a few home-loving Frenchmen to try their fortunes 
amid the rigors of the New World. 

With all his tact, Champlain had committed one 
act of indiscretion, the effects of which were left 
as an ill-fated legacy to the little colony which he 
otherwise nursed so well. Seeking to please his 
Algonquian neighbors upon the St. Lawrence, and 
at the time eager to explore the country, the com- 
mandant, with two of his men-at-arms, accom- 
panied (1609) one of their frequent war-parties 
against the confederated Iroquois, who lived, for 
the most part, in New York state and northeastern 
Pennsylvania. Meeting a hostile band of two hun- 
dred and fifty warriors near where Fort Ticonderoga 
was afterwards constructed, Champlain and his 
white attendants easily routed the enemy by means 
of fire-arms, with which the interior savages were 
as yet unacquainted.^ His success in this direction 
was, through the unfortunate importunity of his 
allies, repeated in 1610; but five years later, when 
he invaded the Iroquois cantonments in the com- 
pany of a large body of Huron, whose country to 
the east of Lake Huron he had been visiting that 
simimer, the tribesmen to the southeast of Lake 
Ontario were found to have lost much of their 

* Of. Tyler, England in America {Ayn. Nation, IV.), 288. 



36 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1649 



fear for white men's weapons, and the invaders 
retreated in some disorder. 

The results were highly disastrous both to the 
Huron and the French. The former were year by 
year mercilessly harried by the bloodthirsty Iro- 
quois, until in 1649 they were driven from their 
homes and in the frenzy of fear fled first to the 
islands of Lake Huron, then to Mackinac and Sault 
Ste. Marie, finally to the southern shores of Lake 
Superior, and deep within the dark pine forests of 
northern Wisconsin. In the destruction of Huronia, 
several Jesuit missionaries suffered torture and 
death. 

As for the squalid little French settlements at 
Three Rivers, Quebec, and Tadoussac, they soon 
felt the wrath of the Iroquois, who were the fiercest 
and best -trained fighters among the savages of 
North America. Almost annually the war-parties 
of this dread foe raided the lands of the king, not 
infrequently appearing in force before the sharp- 
pointed palisades of New France, over which were 
often waged bloody battles for supremacy. Fortu- 
nately logs could turn back a primitive enemy un- 
armed with cannon; but not infrequently outlying 
parties of Frenchmen had sorry experiences with the 
stealthy foe, of whose approach through the tangled 
forest they had had no warning. Champlain's clos- 
ing years were much saddened by these merciless 
assaults which he had unwittingly invited; in the 
decade after his death the operations of his sue- 



37 

itreal, 
ing its 
he di- 
)ed to 

mddle 
Indian 
Dquois 
tween 
)nkins 
1 and 
ide of 
(v^holly 
south 



38 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



underwent a fundamental change, which gave new 
vigor to the attempt to penetrate into the unknown 
west. The Hundred Associates had agreed, in their 
charter, to send four thousand colonists to Canada 
before 1643, to lodge and support them during three 
years, and then to give them cleared lands for their 
maintenance; but the vast expense attendant upon 
an enterprise of this character was beyond the 
ability of the company, who had found no profit in 
any feature of their imdertaking; therefore, after 
feeble attempts at immigration, they transferred to 
the inhabitants of Quebec their monopoly of the 
fur-trade, with all debts and other obligations, but 
retained their seigniorial rights as lords of the soil. 
Finally, in 1663, the associates willingly surrendered 
their charter. New France became the property of 
the crown, and thereby was ended the era of feudal 
tenure under the mastery of a grasping although 
unsuccessful commercial corporation. Thus, free- 
dom from the control of corporate greed and meas- 
urable relief from the Iroquois horror came almost 
contemporaneously. New France, now over a half- 
century old, had at last been given the shadow of 
a chance. 

So far the rivalry of England had, after the return 
of Quebec, been felt only in Acadia,^ for the Iroquois 
acted as a barrier between the contending powers 
all along the northern frontier, both before and 
after the English acquisition of New York in 1664. 
* See chap, ii., above. 



39 

nted 
rela- 
ange 
tiun- 
den- 
:ked 
der- 
the 
iter- 
the 
the 
eller 
it at 
rded 



40 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1650 

Among the English colonists, however, were many 
restless adventurers who sought new lands, fresh 
hunting-grounds, and the uncertain profits of the 
roving Indian trade. As early as 1650, Governor 
Berkeley, of Virginia, made a vain attempt to cross 
the Alleghany barrier in search of the Mississippi, 
of which he had vaguely heard from Indians. A 
few years later a Virginian, Colonel Abraham Wood, 
discovered (i 654-1 664) streams which poured into 
the Ohio and the Mississippi,^ thus penetrating the 
Mississippi basin several years before the French 
discovery by Jolliet and Marquette.^ Later ex- 
plorers — Lederer^ (1669, 1670), Batts^ (1671), 
Howard and Sailing^ (1742), Walker^ (1748, 1750), 
Gist' (1751). Finley' (1752, 1753), Boone' (i769)» 
George Washington (1770, to the mouth of the 

*Coxe, Carolana, 120; Adair, Am. Indians, 308; State of 
British Colo nies (1755), 107, 118. 
2 See chap, iii., below. 

^ Talbot (trans.), Discoveries of John Lederer. 
^ Beverley, Virginia; N. Y. Docs. Rel. to Col. Hist., III., 193^= 
197- 

^ Du Pratz, Louisiana, 62 ; Wynne, British Empire in America, 
II., 405; Expediency of Securing Our American Colonies, 25, 47. 

^ Walker, Journal, in Johnston, First Explorations of Kentucky. 

''Gist, Journal (Johnston's and Darlington's ed.). 

® Maryland Gazette, May 17, 1753; Filson, Kentucky (erroneous 
date); Pa. Col. Records, V., 570; "Boone Papers," in Draper 
MSS. 

^ Boone, "Narrative," in Filson, Kentucky, 47-54; Draper 
MSS. 

^"Washington, Journal of a Tour to the Ohio, in Writings 
(Ford's ed.), II., 285-316; Collins, Kentucky, II., 460, notes 
doubtful evidence, nowhere else confirmed, of Washington's 
presence earlier than 1770. 



41 

iimits 
i con- 
i the 
eenth 
with 
way 
)efore 
ipted 

eping 
i sea, 
ham- 
.noes, 
arthy 



42 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



character were unfavorable for agriculture, there 
was no manufacturing, and thus far from the sea 
the fisheries were unimportant — found themselves 
easily lured by the far - stretching and ramified 
waterways which led from and to the great north- 
west. The colony was no sooner planted than 
Champlain, a typical adventurer of his time, set 
the fashion of exploration. We have seen that the 
founder of New France personally reached the 
shores of Lake Huron, and that in 1634 — the year 
before his death — his agent, Jean Nicolet, was treat- 
ing with Wisconsin tribes upon the chief north- 
western gateway to the Mississippi, which stream, 
however, he does not appear to have visited.^ 

The handful of colonists soon became widely dif- 
fused by means of these enticing wilderness paths. 
By the time New France was fifty years old, its 
population of three thousand souls was scattered 
all the way from far-eastern Acadia to the lonely 
trading-camps of the explorers Radisson and Groseil- 
liers, in the wilds of central Wisconsin (165 4- 1655) 
— a stretch of over fifteen hundred miles along the 
great glacial groove of the St. Lawrence drainage 
system. Governor d'Avaugour wrote from Quebec 
in 1661: "As regards . . . the settlements, they are 
scattered in a still more unsocial fashion than are 
the savages themselves . . . less than three thousand 
souls residing over an extent of eighty leagues . . . 
for a distance of a league and a half around Quebec, 

' See chap, i., above. 



43 
isand 

laims 
Eng- 
;e for 
orers. 
leory, 
that 
te to 
;here- 
•eams 
from 
n ig- 
, who 



44 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1667 



St. Lawrence, the Mississippi, the Winnipeg, and 
the Saskatchewan. 

Holding such claims to be the logical result of 
exploration, partially occupying the country with 
their fur-trade and military stations, and enjoying 
therein a widely diffused commerce with the na- 
tives, with the majority of whom they were on 
kindly terms. Frenchmen long felt confident that 
the English colonists, thus far giving small evidence 
of land hunger, might permanently be restricted to 
the narrow eastern slope of the Appalacliians ; and 
perhaps to such fur-bearing littoral in the extensive 
north as might be controlled by the powerful but 
unadventurous ''Governor and Company of Ad- 
venturers of England trading into Hudson Bay." 

The establishment in London (1667) of the Hud- 
son's Bay Company, as the fruit of the defection 
from French interests of two of their most noted 
explorers in the region of the upper Great Lakes — 
the sieurs Radisson and Groseilliers ^ — proved the 
opening wedge of that English commercial rivalry 
which was ultimately to shatter New France. The 
charter granted (1670) by King Charles II. to this 
notable company, upon whose rolls were Prince 
Rupert, the Duke of York, and other court favorites, 
quite after the fashion of the most exorbitant French 
claims, bestowed the entire region drained by waters 
flowing directly or indirectly into and from Hud- 

* See Scull (ed.), Radisson' s Voyages; Wis. Hist. Collections^ 
XL, 64-69; Campbell, Radisson and Groseilliers. 



45 

being 
^acific 
I, the 
L only 
iffick- 
l and 
f war 

^liber- 
)f the 
s, the 

Lterior 
.s fur- 
siana : 



46 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



the great English company of the north was a 
dangerous rival in the fur -trade. "These smug 
ancient gentlemen," as Lord Bolingbroke once con- 
temptuously called them, were not keen after ex- 
ploration of their sub-Arctic domain. Their shop- 
keeping servants at first showed a curious reluctance 
to venture farther inland than could be seen from 
the walls of their stockaded "factories" — although 
in later years there were not lacking among them 
adventurers whose names stand high on the roll of 
American explorers. But having the freedom of the 
seas, they could cheaply import to the gates of their 
bayside forts a high grade of goods. Although 
merciless in bargaining with the natives, they were 
able to offer the latter better prices and merchandise 
than could be found at the posts of the monopoly- 
ridden French. The result was that the Quebec and 
Montreal merchants, who were operating through 
Mackinac, Sault Ste. Marie, and Lake Superior 
stations, found the Indians, who cared little for the 
time element, often willing to travel long distances 
to reach the better customer. Moreover, such were 
the difficulties of transportation met by the French 
of the interior, with their long and arduous portages, 
that they purchased from the natives only the 
lighter and more expensive furs, such as beaver, 
marten, and fox; while the English, able to load 
pelts upon sea-going vessels at the wharves of their 
Hudson Bay posts, were customers for every variety 
of skins. Some idea of the profits of the trade, as 



47 

Bay 
it in 
J ex- 
es of 

: furs 
was 

esuit 
iport 
Dver- 
.easi- 
^Yas 
ilong 
wing 



48 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



mastery of the situation. But their trade in this 
district proved to be far from profitable. France 
was weak in sea-power; the vessels of her bay 
traders were subject to pillage and destruction by 
the all - conquering navy of Britain.^ Even had 
communication with France been uninterrupted, 
the traders were victims of the commercial monopoly I 
which fettered New France ; they could not meet the 
prices for furs which had been established among the 
seaboard savages by the British. At Utrecht, in 
1 7 13, it was agreed that the bay should remain the 
property of its first exploiters. The "Old Lady of 
Fenchurch Street," as the great company was deri- 
sively termed by hostile critics, once more assumed 
control — greatly weakened, however, through long 
years of adversity. 

* Bryce, Hudson'' s Bay Company, 52-60. 



the 
an- 

a.nd 
the 

iiph 



50 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1634 



the Beaver, the Muskingum, the vScioto, and the 
Wabash. From Lake Michigan, the river St. Jo- 
seph might be ascended to its source, and a carry- 
ing trail found, by which the Maumee could be 
reached and descended to Lake Erie, thus cutting 
across the base of the great Michigan peninsula ; or, 
at the great bend of St. Joseph (South Bend, Indi- 
ana), a marshy trail led over to the Kankakee, 
which pours into the Illinois, itself an affluent of 
the Mississippi. At Chicago River was another 
trade - route over a narrow, swampy divide, by 
which could be reached the Des Plaines, a tributary 
of the Illinois. The favorite path of all, however, 
was that by which Lake Michigan was connected 
with the Mississippi by ascending Green Bay and 
the Fox River, crossing a boggy plain of a mile and a 
half in central Wisconsin (at the modern city of 
Portage), and descending the broad, island-strewn 
Wisconsin River, which is edged by picturesque 
bluffs alternating with rich alluvial bottoms. 

The portage routes between Lake Superior and 
the Mississippi were of great importance in the con- 
trol of that inland sea, but were seldom used in 
ordinary travel between the extremities of New 
France. The Bois Brule is a narrow stream in 
which rapids and pools succeed each other through 
the heart of the overhanging forest ; a carrying path 
of a mile and a half leads to the often turbulent St. 
Croix, wherein cataracts and billow}^ rapids neces- 
sitate several bank-side portages. At the southwest 



51 

uis 
the 
the 
ge. 
ry- 
os- 
.nd 
.nd 
ad, 
ar- 
the 
lan 
ith 
ns. 



52 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1615 

the continent, between the Alleghanies and the 
Rockies, from the frozen lands of the far north to 
the sub-tropical region bordering the Gulf of Mexico. 
French progress up the St. Lawrence system was 
throughout much of the eighteenth century inter- 
rupted by the hostility of the Iroquois, who held 
the lands to the south of Lake Ontario and along 
the Niagara portage. Champlain's early assault 
upon these,^ the most warlike of American savages, 
had engendered a hatred which would not down, 
and the manifestation of which was only ultimately 
abated by growing powers of reprisal on the part 
of New France. 

Champlain and several succeeding generations 
of explorers found Lake Huron by laboriously 
stemming the numerous rapids of Ottawa River — 
the original outlet of that inland sea, but a slight 
geological upheaval had created a rim, which there- 
after separated the waters of river and lake. Thus 
Huron was, by this direct but difficult route, the 
first great lake to be discovered (161 5); Ontario 
(16 1 5), Superior (161 6), and Michigan (1634), with 
their respective portage routes to the Mississippi, 
being next unveiled in the order named. Erie, 
known to the French as early as 1640, was not 
navigated by them until 1669, save by occasional 
unlicensed traders, who were surreptitiously bring- 
ing furs to the markets of the English and the Dutch 
allies of the Iroquois ; and there is a possibility that 

^ See chap, iii., above. 



53 

nen 

like 
fort 

oi) 
be 
ven 
Lsed 
ngs 
the 

I in 
ital 
and 



54 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1519 



\vay was moved northward upon the maps, until at 
last the fabled "Northwest Passage" came to be 
relegated to the impenetrable Arctic. 

Very early in the history of New France, knowl- 
edge of the Mississippi reached Quebec. Indian re- 
ports obscurely spoke of it as ''a great water," 
emptying into some greater sea, thus leading the 
French at first to suppose that it was either the 
Pacific (or South Sea) itself, or in direct communi- 
cation with that ocean. It is quite improbable that 
any one tribe possessed complete information re- 
garding the entire river, in advance of white men's 
discovery and exploration. Certain stretches were, 
of course, well known to the bands dwelling along 
those portions of its banks ; and to some extent the 
lower reaches of its affluents were known to them — 
but no doubt superstitious fear, jealousy of neigh- 
boring tribes, and absence of that curiosity which 
impels civilized man to exploration, combined to 
keep them within their own bailiwicks. Traditions 
and theories were passed on from one tribe to an- 
other; but the result was only vague, purblind 
knowledge based upon no definite conception of the 
geography of the continent. Thus the first white 
explorers — fur-traders and missionaries — often found 
such aboriginal information sadly perplexing.^ 

The lower reaches of the Mississippi were early 
visited by roving Spanish adventurers from Mexico 

* Elaborated in Thwaites, "The Great River," in The World 
To-day, VI., 184-192, 383-39?. 



55 

tlx 
and 
Niar- 
ter; 

542. 

ond 

am- 
i of 
:on- 
hief 
;up- 
and 
)ute 



56 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1654 



of" — were upon the great river" which flowed 
southward to the Spaniards; but Radisson's journal, 
written years after their visit to Wisconsin, has no 
map and is couched in vague terms. Only the 
year before (1654), a writer in the Jesuit Relations 
averred that the sea which separates America from 
Asia was but nine days' journey from Green Bay — 
about the time necessary for a canoe trip from 
Green Bay to the Mississippi by the route of the 
Fox and Wisconsin rivers/ 

At the Jesuit mission on Chequamegon Bay of 
Lake Superior, Father Claude Allouez obtained from 
the Indians (1665) some disjointed data concerning 
the great south-flowing waterway.^ His successor, 
Father Jacques Marquette (1669), became especial- 
ly interested in the Mississippi, the hazy reports 
which he received from his naked parishioners but 
increasing his curiosity and whetting his desire to 
Christianize the savages along its banks. Four 
years later (1673), in the company of an official ex- 
plorer, Louis Jolliet, he ascended the Fox and made 
an easy portage to the Wisconsin, at whose mouth 
they found the Mississippi (June 17).^ When they 
started from the Jesuit mission at Mackinac Straits, 
the travellers were confident that the river either 
emptied into the South Sea (Pacific) or coursed 
southeastward to the Atlantic ; but by the time the 
mouth of the Arkansas was reached, whence they 

^Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, XLI., 185. Ibid., LI., 53. 

^ Ibid., LIX., 86-163. 



57 

rom 
.ood 
ther 

east 
ion. 
nice 
t of 
rom 
:ico, 
loes 
ling 
^hile 
ver- 



58 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1643 

Born of a wealthy Rouen family, in 1643, La 
Salle became in his youth a Jesuit novice, and thus 
was legally debarred from inheriting his father's 
fortune. Of an imaginative, daring, and ambitious 
mind, he appears to have fretted under monastic re- 
straint, and in his twenty-third or twenty-fourth 
year to have left the order, Avherein it appears that 
he had taken the three reOj^uisite vows, served as a 
teacher, and been known as Frere Robert Ignace/ 
Although parting on good terms with his brethren, 
in later years he became a fierce opponent of the 
Jesuit missionaries in Canada, chiefly because his 
vast fur-trade projects, with the inevitable traffic 
in brandy, were regarded by them as tending to 
demoralize the Indians, and his proud spirit could 
brook no opposition. 

Arriving in Canada in 1666, La Salle found here 
an ample field for his adventurous nature. He at 
once started upon a careful study of Indian methods 
and languages, and soon became a recognized ex- 
pert therein, freely confided in by Frontenac, a 
man of kindlier character but of a like lofty am- 
bition. It is known that during these early years 
of his Canadian experiences La Salle was a wide 
traveller. He was much with the Iroquois, both 
in their own country and upon hunting trips on 
the Ottawa; and the claim is made that, probably 
in 167 1, he was first of white men at the Falls of 
the Ohio (Louisville) — indeed, that about that 

' Thwaites, Jesuit Kelaiions, LX., 319, 320. 



59 

)vered 
e not 
ibting 

lea of 
Indian 
;o the 
frying 
lected 
,c was 
resent 
Lake 

I with 



6o 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1676 



ors to despatch this frocked worldhng as a missionary 
to the wilds of America/ 

In 1676 we find La Salle developing Fort Fron- 
tenac as a trading station, founding a settlement 
around its stout walls, introducing cattle to the dis- 
trict, building vessels for trading upon the lake, 
and spending thirty-five thousand livres on his 
costly although as yet somewhat unprofitable enter- 
prise. The next year he was again in France — 
one marvels at the frequency with which the great 
traders of New France crossed the ocean, despite 
the weary slowness of their storm-buffeted tubs of 
vessels; also at their tedious and almost annual 
visits in laboriously propelled canoes from far- 
distant points in the interior to the commercial 
centres on the lower St. Lawrence. This time he 
presented to the court a memorial setting forth the 
advantage of Fort Frontenac as a base for far- 
western trade, and the undoubted profits of a 
traffic in buffalo wool and skins towards the Missis- 
sippi Valley. A patent was granted him to build 
forts in that wonderful land, " through which would 
seem that a passage to Mexico can be found"; but 
he must not involve the crown in any expense — 
French explorers were then expected to pay their 
way out of a monopoly of the fur - trade in new 
regions — nor should he trade with tribes already 
regularly trafficking direct with Montreal. 

* For life and characterization of Hennepin, see Thwaites, 
Hennepin's New Discovery, Introd. 



6i 

Dn of 
alian 
er in 
: the 
iture 
ssing 

was 
hard, 
it is, 
these 

The 
30 in 
iage, 
bove 



62 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



fon, a vessel of fifty tons burden and bearing five 
guns, set sail on August 7, 1679, carrying the re- 
united party, and twenty days later cast anchor 
off Point Ignace, on the Straits of Mackinac, where 
was the Jesuit mission from which Jolliet and Mar- 
quette had departed on their voyage six years be- 
fore. 

For nearly a quarter of a century past, since the 
days of Radisson and Groseilliers, independent 
French traders (cotireiirs de hois) and black-robed 
Jesuit missionaries, particularly the former, had 
roamed quite freely through the region of the up- 
per lakes, and very likely the upper reaches of the 
Mississippi. Some of these traders were at Mack- 
inac when the Griffon arrived; and with them 
several men whom La Salle had sent up with goods 
in advance to barter for a cargo of furs. The 
leader found that his agents had been corrupted by 
the western itinerants, who looked askance at these 
wholesale and organized methods of trade, thinking 
that they spelled ruin to their calling. La Salle 
arbitrarily arrested the malecontents, who were 
poisoning the minds of the tribesmen against him 
and plotting his disaster; he also sent a detail to 
quiet another group of critics quartered at the 
neighboring Sault Ste. Marie. 

The Griffon thence proceeded to Green Bay, 
where a rich store of peltries awaited her, amassed 
by those of the seignior's buyers who had remained 
loyal. The Ottawa, hereabout, being a tribe that 



63 

ilings 
Qt il- 
21S of 

was, 
Lake 
ed. 
t the 
Y her 

they 
rteen 
along 
igent 
louth 
is by 



64 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1680 



Picard") and Father Hennepin — the latter merely 
the usual ecclesiastical supernumerary, but as the 
chronicler of the voyage quite generally accepted by 
historians as its leader/ Accau's party, leaving 
Crevecoeur on the last day of February, eventually 
reached the Falls of St. Anthony (the site of the 
modern Minneapolis), about five hundred miles 
above the mouth of the Illinois. Taken prisoners 
by the Sioux, they were treated as kindly as pos- 
sible by their captors, but sometimes necessarily 
lived on short commons. After extended wander- 
ings in northeastern Minnesota and northwestern 
Wisconsin, during which they shared with the na- 
tives abundant hardships, they were rescued by 
Tonty's cousin, Duluth, who, with four followers, 
was visiting the Sioux in the interests of Fronte- 
nac's fur-trade. Duluth escorted the party down 
the Mississippi, and over the Fox- Wisconsin trade- 
route to Mackinac, where the Jesuits entertained 
them handsomely until spring, when they could 
proceed down the lakes to Niagara and Fort Fron- 
tenac. 

On his return to France, not long after, Henne- 
pin wrote an entertaining account of his remark- 
ably varied American experiences, which was pub- 
lished in 1682 under the title of Description de la 
Loiiisiane,^ and had a large sale in several succeed- 

* Up to this point Hennepin is the chief authority relative to 
the first western voyage of La Salle. 

2 La Salle had used the term "Louisiane" as early as 1679. 



65 
lan. 

ead 
)nly 
heir 
ith. 
ible 
nsy 
em- 
lich 
382. 
ow- 
r^ere 



66 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1680 



bourde having been killed by Kickapoo — retreated 
northward out of harm's way. Crossing over to 
Lake Michigan, they descended along the west 
shore, at a time when La Salle himself was hastening 
up the east coast to their relief. Delayed by bad 
weather and Tonty's illness, it was December be- 
fore his party reached the Jesuit mission at Green 
Bay with their story of disaster. 

Meanwhile, La vSalle had had a severe trip; he 
discovered that the Griffon was lost, that his agents 
had robbed him at Fort Frontenac, and that his 
creditors were not only trying to foreclose his estate 
but were defaming him ; while commercial and polit- 
ical enemies were multiplying on every hand. Nev- 
ertheless, he obtained fresh credit and supplies at 
Montreal, and, as related above, unwittingly passed 
Tonty on the return voyage. Finding nothing but 
traces of disaster on the Illinois, he retreated to 
St. Joseph River, where he built Fort Miami. The 
next spring (1681), having at last heard of the 
whereabouts of Tonty and Membre, he hurried on 
to join them at Mackinac, the party thence jour- 
neying to their base at Fort Frontenac. 

In August, with credit once more extended, but 
leaving behind him an enormous debt, the undaunted 
adventurer again started for the west with Tonty 
and Membre, their party consisting of fifty-four 
men, of whom twenty-three were French, a con- 
tingent later increased to thirty French and a hun- 
dred Indians. Dividing into two sections, they 



67 

St. 
582, 
rt). 

La 
the 
.ted 
Lths 
Ltry 
and 
ex- 
was 
and 
;on- 



68 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1683 



Salle sent back word to Tonty to yield gracefully, 
and soon after this La Barre's traders were swarm- 
ing into the region. 

La Salle himself reached Quebec safely, and, 
without waiting to concern himself with the govern- 
or, at once sailed for France to lay his case before the 
court. Hennepin^s first and reasonably veracious 
book was now upon the market, and Canada was 
much in the public eye. The explorer of the far 
interior of this land of mystery accordingly made a 
good impression and found ready listeners. La 
Barre was ordered by the king to restore Fort Fron- 
tenac, Fort Miami, and Fort St. Louis of the Illinois 
to La Salle ; and the latter was authorized to found 
colonies in Louisiana, also to govern the country 
between Lake Michigan and the Gulf of Mexico. 
He was further assisted in this imperial enterprise 
with four ships and nearly four hundred men. 

At last heading an expedition worthy of the 
cause. La Salle set out from Rochelle (July 24, 1684) 
in high spirits. But the principal vessel was com- 
manded by Captain Beaujeu, and soon there was 
bad blood between him and the often haughty and 
arrogant leader. The Spanish captured one of 
their ships, and the other three failed to find the 
mouth of the Mississippi. Rendezvousing in Mat- 
agorda Bay, in January, 1685, far west of their desti- 
nation, another vessel was soon grounded and lost. 
La Salle landed his pioneers in February, and built 
another Fort St. Louis; but disease was rife, the 



69 

and 
jeu 
Lied 
ked 

the 
oil- 
md 
oc- 

in 
ean 

of 
een 
in- 



70 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



ant had long been searching for his master, at the 
head of a party of twenty-five French and eleven 
Indians, and had left these men here on special 
detail. Tonty's party had descended the river, ex- 
plored for thirty leagues on either side of the mouth, 
and returned disheartened. Tonty left in the hands 
of a native chief a letter for La Salle, and this was 
the missive which fourteen years later was handed 
to Iberville, as elsewhere related.^ Joutel joined 
Tonty at Starved Rock, and, being outfitted by him, 
proceeded to Mackinac and eventually to Quebec. 
Apparently impelled both by a desire to obtain 
supplies en route, from friends of La Salle, and the 
wish of his relatives among the survivors to be on 
hand at the distribution of an estate which would 
surely be quarrelled over by creditors, the survivors 
concealed the fact of their leader's death, and the 
truth was not know^n until after their arrival in 
France, in October, 1688. 

As for the score of miserable colonists left by 
La Salle at Fort St. Louis, on Matagorda Bay, the 
heartless king made no effort for their relief; but 
the Spanish, jealous of French encroachments, 
launched four expeditions to find them. In May, 
1689, an overland party from Mexico discovered 
the battered palisade, and found it desolate, save 
for three bodies. Prowling Indians had attacked 
the starving crew, and either killed or imprisoned 

^ See chap, v., below. Letter dated Village des Quinipissas, 
April 20, 1685, in Margr}^ Dccouvcrics, IV., iSi, 190, 191. 



71 

lied 
ors. 
eri- 

un- 
; of 
lore 
ling 
S in 
by 
)ur- 
ces, 
and 
unt 



CHAPTER V 



LOUISIANA AND THE ILLINOIS 
(1697-1731) 

WHEN the treaty of Ryswick (1697), closing 
the Palatinate War — known in America as 
King William's or Frontenac's — ^brought to Europe 
a temporary cessation from armed strife, Louis XIV. 
was prevailed upon to make an official undertaking 
of what had originally been so largely supported by 
the slender purse of La Salle. The reports of that 
ill-fated explorer had fired the imagination of French- 
men in both hemispheres, and the time now seemed 
ripe for another attempt to execute his ambitious 
project of a French establishment at the mouth of 
the Mississippi, to be connected with the St. Law- 
rence colonies of New France by a continuous line 
of forts along the two great interlocking continental 
drainage troughs. 

Among the men whose ambitions had been stirred 
by the deeds of La Salle were two hardy and chiv- 
alrous sons of Charles le Moyne, of Quebec, co- 
lonial interpreter and captain of militia — Pierre, 
known to history as Iberville, and his younger 
brother Jean Baptiste, whom from his seigniory we 

72 



n 

lose 
on 
ong 
. to 
: in 
rty- 
ms- 
two 
irty 
:een 
and 
as a 

DOS- 

ider 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1699 



the present Mississippi City; and in February (1699) 
built Fort IMaurepas on the Back Bay of Biloxi ^ 
— a beautiful situation, backed by a forest of pines, 
walnuts, chestnuts, and live-oaks, but with unsani- 
tary conditions, unfit water, a sterile soil, and far 
removed from a waterway by which the interior 
might readily be penetrated. 

Heading a party in row-boats and canoes, com- 
posed of Bienville, Sauvole, Douay, and forty-eight 
men-at-arms, Iberville sailed in search of the Missis- 
sippi, rediscovered the river on March 2, "the water 
all muddy and very white," and proceeded two 
hundred miles up-stream, to the mouth of the Red. 
Returning, Bienville descended by the way they 
had come, while Iberville led half of the party 
through the Bayou Iberville and lakes Maurepas 
and Pontchartrain into Bay St. Louis, on the way 
securing from the natives a letter which the Chev- 
alier de Tonty, La Salle's lieutenant, had written 
fourteen years before, when turning north from his 
fruitless search for his cliief 's reputed colony at the 
mouth of the great river.^ Tonty had left word 
that this docimient was to be handed to the first 
Frenchman to appear in the region; and it was 
welcomed by Iberville as indisputable evidence that 
he had reached the country to which La Salle had 
drawn the attention of France. 

^Hamilton, Colonial Mobile, 31; Penicaut's "Journal," in 
Margry, Dccouveries, V., is the chief authority for the daily Hfe 
of the colony for several years. ^ g^g above, chap. iv. 



75 

im- 
LS — a 

mo- 
,t for 
iland 
i re- 
in 
)lony 
ithin 

and 
from 
;k of 
com- 
, and 



76 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1699 



kaskia and other prosperous colonies were now 
being established. 

Early in May (1699) Iberville returned to France 
with the ships, leaving Sauvole in command at 
Biloxi, with Bienville as lieutenant. Thereafter the 
founder spent a large share of his time in France or 
upon cruises against Spanish treasure-ships, with 
but occasional visits to the colony. Early in 1702, 
just previous to his final departure — for death over- 
took him at Havana four years later — he directed 
its removal to Twenty-seven Mile Bluff, on Mobile 
River, where Fort Louis of Louisiana (named for 
the king, not the saint) was erected. This was a 
more favorable position, Iberville thought; for by 
the Tombigbee and Alabama rivers the Indians of a 
large district could be reached, and from here it 
was possible with their help to attack, if need be, 
the rear of the English colonies of Carolina and 
Virginia and intercept their forest trade. ^ In 
1 7 10, under Bienville, another change of base was 
affected, because of floods — this time to higher 
ground, on the site of the modern Mobile.^ 

During the summer of 1700 Iberville ascended 
the Mississippi as far as the Natchez neighborhood, 
in company with a mining adventurer, Pierre 
Charles le Sueur, who at least seven years previous 
had been upon the upper reaches of the river, also 
upon the Minnesota, searching for copper, lead, and 

* Margry, Dccouvertes, V., 587, 595-597. 
^Hamilton, Colonial Mobile, 42-70. 



77 

idant 
years 
t re- 
icials 
vhere 
Ac- 
from 

with 
nsive 

time 
^issis- 

le by 
f the 



78 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



The southern end of the range breaks down into 
modest hills, which were easily traversed by the 
Carolina traders, who with pack-horses wended 
their way over a comparatively level trail leading 
westward through the country of the village-dwell- 
ing Cherokee, and even occasionally penetrated to 
the Red River tribes beyond the Mississippi. But 
the Indian population through this table-land was 
relatively sparse and the tribes of the Arkansas 
were far distant; then, again, horse -trail traders 
could carry but light loads, were more subject to 
attack than those who swept along the northern 
rivers in heavily laden and well-guarded canoes and 
bateaux; and in their cupidity the Cherokee were 
wont to rob and not seldom murder the English 
and Scotch-Irish forest merchants. Thus the French 
in Louisiana long enjoyed immunity from serious 
commercial competition from Carolina ; nevertheless, 
Le Sueur's discovery was ominous, and in his report 
to the court that autumn (September 7, 1700)^ 
Iberville alludes to the growing danger of English 
rivalry. 

To add to their uneasiness, the Spanish governor 
at Pensacola had but recently visited Biloxi and 
filed with them a protest against this wedge of 
French settlement, now numbering some seven 
hundred persons, between the Spanish of Mexico 
and Florida. A few years later, during Crozat's 
regime, Spanish vessels freely preyed upon French 

' Margry, Decouvcrtes, IV., 370-378. 



79 

ixico. 

arope 
Bien- 
anish 
time 
Y the 

mists 
;sippi 
ns in 
bend 
New 
iglish 
sent 



8o 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1701 



Iberville and Sauvole soon passing away, Bien- 
ville remained until 1743 the principal historical 
figure in Louisiana. Others occasionally occupied 
the post of governor ; but Bienville, as devoted and 
disinterested as Champlain, was throughout this 
protracted period the chief actor, and powerfully 
and beneficently influenced the colony. During his 
long supremacy the wide-stretching region of Lou- 
isiana was the scene of many fruitful events. 

Not unnaturally, Iberville's venture occasioned 
great alarm among the fur merchants of Canada. 
Just as their operations upon the upper Mississippi 
were becoming important, this new danger arose, of 
a probable diversion down that river of trade that 
had heretofore sought an opening by way of the 
St. Lawrence. Their concern was not lessened when 
in 1 701 Governor Callieres received notice from the 
court that the new province of Louisiana would be 
governed direct from France, not from Quebec, Iber- 
ville being named as the king's representative in the 
south. ^ 

In 17 1 2, Sieur Antoine Crozat was granted for 
twelve years a monopoly of trade, mining, land 
grants, and slavery in Louisiana, to which "the 
laws, edicts, and ordinances of the realm, and the 
custom of Paris" were extended; although the 
grantee was given certain powers of nomination 
that placed in his hands not a little political con- 
trol. In this charter, which gave to Louisiana its. 
* Margry, Decouvertes, V,, 591, 606. 



8i 

/ince 
;e of 
im- 
srms, 
"the 
i the 
and 
Illi- 
;trict 
isin) 
:em- 
. the 
lally 
pat- 



82 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1704 



Illinois, and Natchitoches,^ the last-named a buffer 
against the hostile attitude of the Spanish towards 
French encroachments to the southwest. 

Prominent among the purposes of the founders 
of Louisiana was the development of an overland 
commerce with the Spanish colonies to the south- 
west. Texas was at this time claimed by the 
Spanish, and their trading caravans had visited the 
Indians of the district ; but, thus far, there had been 
no attempt at settlement. The French also claimed 
the territory by virtue of La Salle's colony, which 
had been thwarted by Spanish machinations. In 
17 14, Bienville despatched an expedition under 
Louis Juchereau, the Sieur de St. Denis, who reached 
a Spamsh mission on the Gila River. There he 
formed such pleasant relations with his hosts that 
he proceeded to the city of Mexico, and returned 
in 17 16 with a favorable report to his superior. A 
second expedition under his charge, with which 
were associated six adventurous Canadians, fol- 
lowed the same route; the Canadians returned to 
Mobile after a profitable trade, but St. Denis was 
imprisoned by the Spanish, and two years elapsed 
before his release.^ Meanwhile (17 17), the French 
erected a fort at Natchitoches, near Red River, 
only seven leagues from a Spanish outpost in Tex- 
as.^ This vantage was maintained throughout the 

* French, La. Hist. Collections, III., 84. 

* Margry, Decouvertes, VI., 193-199; Journal Historiqiie, 116, 
129, 130. ^Journal Historique, 131; Margry, VI., 252-255. 



83 

iles 

19) 

ent 
^ed 
the 

]22 

ich 

ed. 

as 
the 
Lin- 
lee, 



84 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



expeditions set forth from the Illinois rather than 
from Louisiana. Reports are extant concerning en- 
terprises of this character in 1734 and 1739 — the 
caravan in the latter year being apparently headed 
by two brothers, Pierre and Paul Mallet, who seem 
successfully to have reached Santa Fe, the seat of 
Spanish trade in those parts. They returned by 
way of New Orleans, where Bienville was delighted 
at the result of so far - reaching an exploration. 
Among the experiences of these adventurers, near 
the head-waters of the Arkansas, was what was pos- 
sibly the first sight by Frenchmen of the Rocky 
Mountains, nearly four years before the celebrated 
discovery by Chevalier Verendrye of the Bighorn 
Range, far to the north. ^ 

French Jesuits had operated in the Illinois coun- 
try as early as Marquette, but their ministrations 
were in Indian villages along the Illinois River. In 
1699 the Sulpicians opened a mission at Cahokia, 
on the Mississippi, and the year following the Jesu- 
its removed their establishment to the neighboring 
Kaskaskia.^ Fort Chartres (1720) — a stout fortress, 
designed to check growing English encroachments 
on the Ohio and the Mississippi — St. Philippe (1723), 
and Prairie du Rocher (1733) followed in due course.^ 

* This record of French exploration in the southwest is based 
chiefly on documents in Margry, Decouveries, VI. 

2 Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, LXV., 101-105, 263. 

^ So Moses, Illinois; Wallace, Illinois and Louisiana under 
French Rule; Mason, Chapters from Illinois History. But the 
chronology is still in some confusion. 



85 



the 
heir 
and 
ide, 
3or- 
lop- 
the 
m" 
Stic 
itly 
lew 
and 
jev- 
:;ed, 



86 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1720 



exchange for their products, the thrifty Illinois 
habitants received many luxuries and refinements 
directly from Europe and other French colonies — 
sugar, rice, indigo, cotton, manufactured tobacco, 
and goods of like character — and these interior 
settlements were long regarded as the garden of 
New France.^ 

At first the Illinois settlements were governed 
from Canada, although their trade relations were 
naturally more intimate with Louisiana than with 
the lower St. Lawrence, Indeed, despite the pro- 
tests of the Quebec officials, who were alarmed over 
this diversion of the Mississippi trade, there was 
now but slight connection with Canada. The old 
portage routes connecting the divergent drainage 
systems of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi 
had fallen into comparative disuse. Several causes 
contributed to this result: the reduction of trading- 
posts on the Great Lakes, under the economical pol- 
icy of Governor Callieres's administration ; the con- 
tinued hostility of the Fox Indians in Wisconsin;^ 
the physical hardships of these routes; but in large 
measure the careful fostering of the more convenient 
southern trade and the growing bulk of exports. 
The people of the Illinois henceforth looked upon 

' Contemporary descriptions in N. Y. Docs. Rel. to Col. 
Hist., IX., 891; Du Pratz, Louisiana, 301-303; Pittman, 
Present State of European Settlements on the Mississippi (1770), 
42, 43, 55; Charlevoix, in Journal Historique (1744), 394- 
396. 

^ 3ee documents in Wis. Hist. Collections^ XVI., XVH. 



87 

ar- 

its 
m- 
ite 
er. 
ful 
he 
ra- 

)V- 

of 



88 



PRANCE IN AMERICA 



Indian blood — soon forgot the feverish and un- 
wonted energy of artificial stimulus. The villages 
of the mid -country resumed their natural status of 
sleepy little fur-trade and mission stations, and thus 
remained until the downfall of New France. 



ica 
lad 
in 



go FRANCE IN AMERICA [1715 

Indian possessions were, with their subtropical cli- 
mate, particularly adapted to the profitable use of 
slave labor and to the paternal form of govern- 
ment which France employed alike at home and in 
the colonies. Coffee and sugar from the French 
colonies began to drive from the European markets 
the productions of the rival English islands of 
Jamaica, Barbadoes, and their smaller neighbors; 
England was also, for a time, losing ground along 
the Mediterranean, in the Levant, and in far-off 
India. French merchant shipping grew from three 
hundred vessels, at the time of Louis's death, to 
eighteen hundred in 1735.^ 

While Fleuri was dominating France, the English 
prime - minister was Sir Robert Walpole. Both 
statesmen strongly desired peace in western Europe, 
and in the face of many difficulties long maintained 
it. But there were irresistible forces at work, largely 
originating in differences of temperament between 
the two peoples, which tended to neutralize their 
efforts at a good understanding. France and Eng- 
land were engaged in a long-standing rivalry for the 
possession of lands over-seas, which might be col- 
onized and thereby made to assist in the develop- 
ment of national commerce. Naval strength is the 
predominant factor in colonizing and the pushing 
of colonial trade. The mistress of the seas con- 
trols the ocean lanes, can keep open against all 
comers the necessary lines of communication be- 

*Mahan, Influence of Sea Power, 243, 



91 
in 

zed 
it. 
ive 
>rts 
ich 
md 
by 
ich 
)ed 
>tic 
leir 
her 



92 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1686 



per with each other's Indians ; but, as pointed out in a 
previous chapter/ there was much smuggHng across 
the lines — French merchants obtaining low-priced 
goods from New York and Albany; Englishmen 
purchasing peltries from French dealers, and even 
directly from courenrs de hois who operated in the 
region of Mackinac and Sault Ste. Marie and sur- 
reptitiously sought the English market. In 1724 
it was affirmed by a careful observer^ that, con- 
trary to law, Albany merchants, instead of ex- 
clusively patronizing tribes allied to the English, 
were obtaining four-fifths of their skins "from the 
French of Mont Royall and Canada"; and several 
English traders were prosecuted and punished for 
this serious offence. 

The issue relative to the proprietorship of the 
trans-Alleghany region was soon raised by English 
colonial officials. In 1686 Denonville reported to 
Versailles that letters written to him by Governor 
Dongan of New York "will notify you sufficiently 
of his pretensions which extend no less than from 
the lakes, inclusive, to the South Sea. Missilimak- 
inac is theirs. They have taken its latitude; have 
been to trade there with our Outawas and Huron 
Indians, who received them cordially on account of 
the bargains they gave." Denonville pleads for 
definite information from the court, relative to the 

*See chap, iv., above. 

^Colden, "Memoir on the Fur Trade," in A^. Y. Docs. Rel. to 
Col. Hist., v., 726-733. 



93 

3ries 
hich 

lOW- 

oen- 
ited 

mth 
able 
and 
the 
wns 
and 
ter- 



94 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1729 



was as yet in no hurry; she could afford to play a 
waiting game. Outside of the official class, the West 
was to tide-water provincials but a misty region; 
hence, for a generation longer, the rival forest traders 
were allowed to fight it out among themselves. 

In 1729, however, an official step towards strength- 
ening the French position was taken by the chief 
engineer of New France, Chaussegros de Lery, at 
the head of a small military reconnaissance which, 
during a lull in Iroquois opposition, proceeded to the 
Ohio over the Chautauqua portage, and surveyed 
the river down to the mouth of the Great Miami. 
Up to this time the French, familiar with the 
country eastward, had not penetrated much farther 
to the northwest than the shores of lakes Superior 
and Nepigon. In common with the English, how- 
ever, they were showing a renewed interest in seek- 
ing the supposititious waterway through the Amer- 
ican continent that should more closely unite Eu- 
rope with China and India. ^ Between 17 19 and 
1747 the Hudson's Bay Company, reluctantly 
spurred by popular demand, made several half- 
hearted attempts to discover the Northwest Passage, 
which many thought to emerge from the western 
shore of Hudson Bay. 

During the same period the explorers of New 
France busied themselves with similar projects. 
In 1720 the Jesuit traveller and historian. Father 
Charlevoix, was despatched from France on a tour 
* See chap, iv., above. 



ad- 

DUS 

the 
)ne 
the 
ific 
cal 
rge 
:er- 
,ter 
■k's 
to 
the 



90 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1728 



Indians, whose notions of geography were often 
quite vague, he conceived a plan for seeking the 
Pacific by means of the vast net-work of lakes and 
rivers that stretches westward from Lake Superior 
by w^ay of Pigeon River, Lake of the Woods, Rainy 
Lake and River, Lake Winnipeg, the Assiniboin, 
and the Saskatchewan. His report that the ocean 
might thus be reached within five hundred leagues 
from Lake vSuperior^ won powerful official support; 
he w^as accordingly granted a monopoly of the fur- 
trade north and west of Lake Superior, upon the 
supposed profits of which he w^as to undertake ex- 
tensive exploring expeditions. 

Verendrye suffered from the customary fickleness 
of court patronage, and through the machinations 
of rivals soon found himself neglected and a bank- 
rupt. Nevertheless, with marvellous energy and 
perseverance, he had by the year 1738 established 
what was officially styled the " Post of the Western 
Sea," a line of six "forts built of stockades . . . that 
can give protection only against the Indians . . . and 
trusted generally to the care of one or two officers, 
seven or eight soldiers, and eighty engages. From 
them the English movements can be watched " 
and " the discovery of the Western Sea may be ac- 
complished." These outposts were St. Pierre on 
Rainy Lake, St. Charles on Lake of the Woods, 
Maurepas at the mouth of the Winnipeg, Bourbon 

^ Text in Suite, Histoire des Canadiens-Frangais, VI., 145- 
150, 



97 

on 
ba; 
led 
the 
dne 
ier, 
lew 
3, a 
irk, 

by 

pa- 
le a 
;d a 



98 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



this formidable enemy were of small avail. The 
fur-trade of the West, so essential to the life of New 
France, was nearly paralyzed; the people of the 
Illinois, on the farther side of the barrier, had be- 
come almost exclusively patrons of the southern 
trade; profitable fur-bearing animals had retreated 
from the hunters farther and farther inland; and 
now little was left to the forest merchants of Quebec 
and Montreal save the peltries snatched from the 
barren lands of the far northwest.^ 

For a generation the Post of the Western Sea " 
caused grave concern among the "smug ancient 
gentlemen" of the Hudson's Bay Company. The 
southern half of the enormous territory which 
Charles had so freely granted to them was dominated 
by the adventurous French, who not only alienated 
the confidence of the tribesmen, but won the native 
trade. Rivalry such as this was farther - reach- 
ing than when the Canadians held the shore forts 
upon the bay and attempted to operate them from 
the sea, for the latter were now in their element as 
wilderness rangers. Moreover, the men of France 
now had at their back a chain of forts quite stout 
enough for immediate needs, stretching across the 
continental interior like a gigantic letter T, its 
horizontal bar a transcontinental system extending 
from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to the head-waters 
of the Saskatchewan, and its stem commanding 

* Documents in Wis. Hist. Collections, XVI., XVII., throw 
new light on the Fox war. 



99 
its 

QOt 
LCO, 

ern 
vy. 
md 
ith 
[ish 

QSt 

her 
en- 

[OW 



loo FRANCE IN AMERICA [1732 

the two Bourbon courts agreed to support each 
other in case of the outbreak of war. Under this 
arrangement it now became necessary for France, 
reluctant though she was, with all her forces to 
assist Spain by land and sea. While the former 
was, therefore, not nominally a party to the struggle, 
she became so to all intents and purposes. Thus 
the peaceful dreams of Walpole and Fleuri were 
interrupted by a current of events which they had 
vainly sought to stem. 

Two years later the English peace minister was 
driven from power by men who, like Pitt — his star 
rising while Walpole 's waned — felt that there should 
be no further hesitation to compass that defeat of 
the Bourbons which was essential to Great Britain's 
growth as an imperial power; and who were be- 
ginning to perceive that such growth must largely 
be based upon control of the sea. A British ulti- 
matum called on Spain to renounce the right of 
searching vessels, and expressly to acknowledge the 
English claims in North America — among these 
latter being one relating to the undetermined south- 
ern boundary of the colony of Georgia, which had 
been but recently established (1732) to the north of 
Florida.^ 

Spain promptly despatched to the West Indies, 
which both sides had selected as the logical battle- 
ground, a considerable fleet convoyed by a French 
squadron of twenty-two ships, for the presence of 

* 5. C". Hist. Collections, I., 203; Stevens, Georgia, I., 140-160. 



OI 

im 
,nt 
lly 
It. 

ng 
rd 
)re 
to 
ies 
od 

Ld- 

;h- 
he 



I02 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1741 



General Thomas Wentworth commanded the troops, 
nine thousand in number. 

The new-comers had suffered greatly on the voy- 
age, from bad weather and sickness, and through- 
out the campaign there was a heavy mortality from 
the wretched sanitary conditions. March 3 the 
forces again landed before Cartagena; but after a 
long and weak siege, during which the troops suf- 
fered greatly from mismanagement and the lead- 
ers continually wrangled, the demoralized army 
was (April 17) withdrawn in the fleet to England. 
The grewsome horrors of the expedition, and the 
unfortunate quarrel of the commanders, have been 
preserved for us in literature by Smollett,^ a sup- 
porter of Wentworth, and then a surgeon on one 
of the ships of the line. Later (1746), Vernon was 
dismissed the service, his choleric temper having 
led him into an open quarrel with the admiralty 
board. 

It had been the intention of the government to 
aid Vernon with a co-operating expedition. For 
this purpose Commodore George AnvSon was ordered 
from the west coast of Africa, where for three years 
he had been protecting English trade against French 
assaults, to round Cape Horn and join Vernon on 
the Pacific side of the Panama isthmus. Anson's 
little squadron of six ships, with the usual poor 

' Roderick Random, chaps, xxviii.-xxxiii. For technical ac- 
count of Vernon's expedition, see Clowes, Royal Navy, III., 
52-80. 



>3 

1- 
e. 

le 

le 

d 

1- 
n _ 

it 
m 

'5 
n 



I04 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1743 

The victorious Anson at once started for home 
by way of the Cape of Good Hope. Favored by a 
fog which hid him from the view of the French 
Channel fleet, he safely anchored at Spithead 
(June 15, 1744), having harried Spanish commerce 
around the globe. ^ England had at last good oc- 
casion for being in an ecstasy of joy. The gallant 
sea-dogs were paraded through city and country 
with bands and banners, and the government, which 
had contributed so slightly to the success of the 
brilliant expedition, made a rear-admiral of its com- 
mander, who in later wars was, as Lord Anson, to 
add still greater lustre to British arms. 

^ See Clowes, Royal Navy, III., 320-324, for details of Anson's 
expedition. 



as 
ar 
d, 



io6 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1744 



must result. March 21, 1744, the government at 
Whitehall at last proclaimed war; had this decision 
been made two years sooner, doubtless the struggle 
might have correspondingly been shortened. Our 
present interest lies solely in events which now 
transpired in America, where the encounter is known 
as King George's War. 

After the cession to England of Newfoundland and 
Acadia, under the treaty of Utrecht,^ the French 
troops withdrew to Cape Breton (I'lle Royale), 
which they contended was not included in the 
cession ; although English claims classed that island 
as a part of Nova Scotia, from which it is separated 
by the narrow strait of Canso, a waterway about 
the width of the Hudson River at New York. At 
the southern end of the strait was the important 
English fishing station of Canseau, protected by a 
stockaded block-house. 

Selecting as their base a rugged harbor called 
Port a I'Anglais, on the eastern coast of Cape 
Breton, the French gradually erected there the 
fortress of Louisburg, accounted the stoutest strong- 
hold on the western coast of the Atlantic, being 
planned by some of the most competent military 
engineers of their day, and costing about thirty 
million livres, equivalent to $10,000,000. From 
the first, Louisburg was a thorn in the side of 
New England. The sea -fisheries were quite as 
necessary to the welfare of the English coast colo- 
nists as the fur-trade was to New France. In sailing 



and 
the 
in- 
en- 
the 
irn- 
the 
re- 
:nch 
• be 
om- 
ison 
>ton 
was 



io8 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1727 



to the south the operations of the Hudson's Bay 
Company.^ A new fort at Niagara was designed to 
overawe England's savage auxiHaries, ''the devoring 
Iroquois ' ' ; Fort Chambly was to protect Montreal 
from further inroads by way of the now familiar 
war route through the geological trough occupied 
by the Hudson River and lakes George and Cham- 
plain; and Fort Frederic, at Crown Point, on the 
west shore of Lake Champlain, still further strength- 
ened this line of defence.^ 

Meanwhile, in all North America, England's gar- 
risons aggregated but nine hundred men.^ Her 
colonists themselves were in each province torn by 
dissensions, so that little was done save to rail at 
the French. Governor Burnet of New York, at his 
own expense, built a fortified fur- trading post at 
Oswego (1727) as a rival to Niagara; and it has been 
told how Massachusetts advanced her firing-line 
along the Kennebec frontier;^ but further we find 
slight progress on the part of the English bordermen, 
between the treaty of Utrecht and the opening of 
King George's War. Indeed, it now seemed to 
many observers quite possible for New France to 
hem in her rival to the Atlantic slope; and there 
were those among her master-spirits whose ambi- 
tion stopped at nothing short of a policy of North 
America for the French alone. 
^ See chap, vi., above. 

2 Parkman, Half-Century of Conflict, II., chap. xvii. 
' Fortescue, British Army, II., 256. 
* See chap, ii., above. 



109 

iause 
itish 
e of 
colo- 

was 
d so 
were 
isuf- 

was 
oped 

was 
lavy 
burg 



no FRANCE IN AMERICA ti744 



prisoners being given their choice of retiring within 
a year either to England or one of the English 
colonies, many of them proceeded in the autumn 
to Boston.^ 

A like war-party, chiefly composed of Micmac and 
Malecite Indians, was sent against Annapolis (Port 
Royal), where Colonel Mascarene, governor of Nova 
Scotia, with a small body of men, stoutly stood his 
ground behind the old ramparts and a full equip- 
ment of cannon. Duvivier joined the besiegers after 
the capture of Canseau, but could make no headway 
against the gallant Huguenot. Reinforcements ar- 
riving from New England, Duvivier at the close of 
September retired to Louisburg, to be sneered at and 
censured for mismanagement.^ 

These attacks on their Acadian outposts had 
greatly exasperated the New-Englanders, and plans 
for the capture of Louisburg were formulated by 
several ingenious persons whose bitterness against 
the French was far greater than their knowledge of 
military science.^ Parkman gives credit for the 
adopted scheme to William Vaughn, the intelligent, 
well-educated, but headstrong proprietor of large 
fishing interests at the mouth of Damariscotta River 
and on the island of Matinicus, off the Maine coast, 
and an officer in the attacking force. Pepperrell 
claimed that Colonel John Bradstreet was the 

' Bourinot, Cape Breton, 37. 

Ibid., 37, 38; Richard, Acadia, I., 203-205. 
' Parkman, H alf-Century oj Conflict, II., 83-85. 



Ill 

Lents 
:ered 
etts, 
from 
hode 
tting 

e of 
prise 
:ered 
holi- 
their 
inion 
)emg 



112 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



placed under his command; but he was popularly 
appreciated as a man of sense and tact, qualities 
which soon were to stand him well in stead. Of this 
motley company of rustics and fishermen — some 
of whom had been bushrangers on the Indian 
frontier or had smelled powder on board New 
England privateers but all equally guiltless of 
regular military discipine — Massachusetts contrib- 
uted 3300, Connecticut 516, and New Hampshire 
454 — 150 of the New Hampshire men being in the 
pay of Massachusetts; Rhode Island also raised 150, 
but they arrived on the scene too late to participate. 
The naval force, under Captain Edward Tyng, a 
privateersman with some experience under fire, 
consisted of thirteen armed vessels carrying an ag- 
gregate of 216 guns of all sorts and sizes, the 
heaviest caliber being twenty-two pounders. For 
transports, there were taken into the service ninety 
fishing-boats, in which the militiamen found slight 
shelter from the "terrible northeast storm" which 
now swept the Maine coast, and on the voyage they 
suffered greatly from exposure and sea-sickness.^ 

Sadly buffeted by wind and waves, the fleet 
gradually assembled in the port of Canseau. While 
a detachment of the land forces were rebuilding the 
block-house, Tyng was cruising off Louisburg, and 
captured several French prizes laden with supplies 

' See MS. diaries of the period, chiefly preserved in the hbrary 
of the Mass. Hist. Society. See Bourinot, Cape Breton, 41, for 
Jists of vessels and troops. 



113 

the 
rce- 
3red 
ihir- 
his 
ap- 
ices- 
per- 
3me 
sing 
ling 

ible 
.ers. 



114 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1745 



tending to the sea-side, lay a wide expanse of morass, 
which was impassable for heavy bodies of troops. 
The narrow mouth of the harbor is strewn with reefs 
and islands, upon the largest of the latter being 
planted a strong battery; but this is dominated b}^ 
Lighthouse Point, on the opposite side of the en- 
trance. Westward of the bay, the country con- 
sists of low, rocky undulations, at the time of the 
attack clothed with a dense growth of cedar, stunted 
spruce, and other evergreens; this rough country, 
affording fine cover for an enemy, approached 
closely to the west gate. Upon the south shore of 
the harbor, a mile away, and abutting the hills, the 
Grand (or Royal) Battery, a small fortress in itself, 
also commanded the harbor entrance. 

Pepperrell was without engineers; he had a few 
skilled artillerists, with experience on New England 
privateers worrying French and Spanish commerce, 
and Warren lent him several from the fleet; but 
neither the general nor his men understood the first 
principles of the arts of siege. Yet his landing, at 
the head of Gabarus Bay, on April 30 and May i, 
was rather skilfully performed ; the French outposts 
were easily driven in, batteries were soon established, 
and the English securely intrenched. The uncouth 
but on the whole effective movements of the in- 
vaders greatly perplexed the garrison, and appear 
from their strangeness to have in a measure un- 
nerved them.* 

'Parkman, Half-Century of Conflict, II., 125. 



115 

in 
md 
md 
ted 
>me 
ton 
>me 
)m- 

of 
his. 
ons 



ii6 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1745 



vessel was captured, laden with ammunition and 
provisions, which were quite as essential for the 
besiegers as for the besieged; for the colonial army- 
soon ran short of stores of every description, and 
during the final three weeks was threadbare, while 
shoes were at a premitmi. Camp diseases also 
harried the provincials, and once (May 28) but 
tw^enty-one hundred men out of the four thousand 
were fit for duty.* 

Fresh arrivals from time to time increased War- 
ren's fleet to eleven ships, with an aggregate of 
five hundred and twenty - four guns,^ now quite 
sufficient effectively to aid in the bombardment, 
which by the middle of June had laid the town 
in ruins, it being calculated that nine thousand 
cannon - balls and six hundred bombs had been 
planted within the walls. In due time Lighthouse 
Point was gained by the English, and then the 
Island Battery succumbed. Finally, overcome by 
terror, the inhabitants compelled the garrison to 
surrender, which it did June 16, with the stipulation 
that the troops should march out with arms and 
colors, but that all within the fortress, soldier or 
civilian, should take oath not again to bear arms 
against King George or his allies during the en- 
suing twelvemonth.^ On the following day War- 

^ Parkman, Half-Century of Conflict, II., 131. 

' Douglass, Summary of the British Settlements, I., 351. 

^ Text of correspondence and capitulation, in Parsons, Pep- 
perrell, 95-99; Collection de documents relatifs a I'histoire de la 
Nouvelle-France, III., 221-226. 



117 
dl's 

ich 

lad 
lis- 

ery 

ICS, 

the 
ind 

of 
/en 
Dm 



ii8 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1745 



Boston received the news by an express boat, early 
in the morning of July 3. The townspeople were 
at once awakened by booming cannon and clanging 
bells, and a noisy day was succeeded by a night of 
bonfires, fireworks, and window illumination, follow- 
ed in due course by the usual day of thanksgiving. 
New York and Philadelphia in turn celebrated in 
like manner, and England was as vociferous as 
over the victories of Vernon and Anson. Warren 
was made an admiral; Pepperrell, who had spent 

0,000 of his own fortune, largely in entertaining 
his brother-officers at camp, was created a baronet 
and made colonel of a fresh regiment to be raised 
among his doughty followers, who by this time had 
earned the standing of regulars; while Shirley also 
was remembered with a similar colonelcy. Massa- 
chusetts, having spent £183,469 on the expedition, 
in time had that sum returned from Whitehall, the 
reimbursement being promptly and wisely devoted 
to the redemption of her wretchedly depreciated 
paper currency. The other contributing colonies 
were not forgotten in the general enthusiasm, and 
also secured the rebate of their expenditures. 

Pepperrell had left at Louisburg a garrison of 
twenty -five hundred men. The fort was in so 
foul a state after the siege that a pestilence broke 
out during the winter, which swept off nearly nine 
hundred of the men,^ while by spring the majority of 

* Shirley to Newcastle, May 10, 1746, cited in Parkman, Half- 
Century of Conflict, II., 167. 



^9 



V- 

of 
id 

26 

m 
It 

w 

X. 

s- 
le 

>y 

er 



120 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1745 



to defend the coast. The armada had, indeed, reached 
American waters ; but, as if in answer to the combined 
prayers of the New England churches, it was dis- 
persed by a tempest off the coast of Nova Scotia, its 
half- starved crews returning crestfallen to France/ 

The next year (1747) a new French fleet was as- 
sembled for vengeance on the English colonies in 
America ; but Admirals Anson and Warren engaged 
the squadron off Rochelle and utterly vanquished it.^ 
This fresh display of superiority of sea-power prob- 
ably alone saved the colonists, for Newcastle gave 
them no further material assistance. He shipped 
to Annapolis three hundred soldiers, half of whom 
died on shipboard, while many others deserted to 
the French, who were keeping Acadia in an uproar. 
Massachusetts, determined that the peninsula should 
not be lost through default, sent thither a con- 
siderable reinforcement, which, by dint of some sharp 
fighting with the Acadian rangers and their Indian 
allies, maintained English supremacy.^ 

* Douglass, Summary of the British Settlements; Longfellow, 
"Ballad of the French Fleet": 

"Oh, Lord! we would not advise, 

But if in thy providence 
A tempest should arise, 

To drive the French fleet hence, 
And scatter it far and wide, 

Or sink it in the sea, 
We should be satisfied. 

And thine the glory be." 

2 Clowes, Royal Navy, III., 124-127. 
Parkman, Half-Century of Conflict, II,, 198-220; Richard, 
Acadia, chaps, xi., xii. 



21 

ict 
er. 
nd 

QS, 

3se 
try 
3m 
of 
Der 
.ed 
L a 
st, 

)US 

\t\r 



122 F^RANCE IN AMERICA [174S 



struggle with France for the mastery of the con- 
tinent/ 

In the northwest the Hudson's Bay Company was 
prepared for the worst. Each agent was instructed 
vigorously to defend his post against the French, 
and in the event of defeat to "destroy everything 
that be of service to the enemy, and make the best 
retreat you can." ^ Their vessel, the Prince Rupert 
(one hundred and eighty tons) , was given letters of 
marque against both French and Spanish shipping, 
and strict watch was kept on Davis Straits for 
vessels of the allies. But the fall of Louisburg 
saved the company from further apprehension; for 
thenceforth England's superiority on the high seas 
was evident, and no French craft could be spared 
for such northern waters. 

Weary of the long, exhaustive, and apparently 
futile conflict, which had been so destructive of life 
and treasure, France and England agreed to desist, 
in July, 1748, and in the following October signed 
the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle.^ By this agreement 
all conquests were mutually restored. The news of 
the surrender of Louisburg, which had been won 
and for two years retained chiefly by New Eng- 
land valor and blood, caused intense dissatisfaction 
throughout the colonies, and tended still further to 

^ Lives by Stone and Buell. 

2 Instructions to council at Albany Fort, May 10, 1744, in 
AVillson, Great Company, 258. 

3 Text in Chalmers, Treaties, I., 424-442; extracts in MacDon- 
aid, Select Charters, 251-253. 



123 

hich 

war 
ight 
own 
the 
itter 
here 
It of 
lish- 
igth 
ling- 



CHAPTER VIII 



THE PEOPLE OF NEW FRANCE 
(1750) 

BEFORE entering upon the story of the last and 
fateful struggle between France and England 
for the mastery of the North American continent, 
it will be helpful briefly to study the people of the 
warring colonies; for the contest was not only 
national, it was largely a measuring of strength be- 
tween social and political systems fundamentally 
opposed to each other and unable permanently 
to exist as neighbors. 

The climate of Canada was not as well adapted 
to the purposes of seventeenth-century colonization 
as that wherein the English colonies had been 
planted. In our day of superior agricultural knowl- 
edge, methods, and utensils, a new colony might 
soon acquaint itself with the climate and soil condi- 
tions of the lower St. Lawrence, and by mastering 
the production problem become self - supporting. 
In the period of New France, however, even the 
most favorably situated European plantations in 
America had for several seasons practically to be 
maintained from the mother-land, and starvation was 

124 



125 

[ re- 
Lize. 
srn- 
i to 
ices 
the 
veve 
ally 
I in 

was 
/ere 
the 



126 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1689 



most of the deep-sea fishers required government 
assistance. Characteristically unwilling to leave 
their homes for inhospitable foreign shores, it was 
found necessary artificially to stimulate the indus- 
try,* and many harsh measures seemed essential, to 
make the situation unpleasant for English poachers ; 
yet the latter were often able clandestinely to sell 
their cargoes to the enterprising French.^ Some- 
times Frenchmen, however, would put in their nets 
as far south as Cape Cod; and conflicts between 
rival fishing fleets were not infrequent incidents, 
tending to keep alive the long-smouldering sparks of 
racial hostility.^ 

The fur -trade was the most important of the 
French colonial interests, and practically a govern- 
ment monopoly. The great river flowing past their 
doors, which drained an immense and unknown area 
of forested wilderness, peopled with strange tribes 
of wild men, fired the imagination of the men of 
New France. In an age of exploration, and them- 
selves among the most inquisitive and adventurous 
people of Europe, Frenchmen — led by Champlain 
himself, who had the wanderlust within his veins — 
pushed their way in birch canoes up the St. Law- 
rence and its great affluents, the Saguenay, the 
Ottawa, the Richelieu, and their wide-stretching 
drainage systems. Soon they discovered, in the 



*Marmette,in Canadian Archives, 1888, cxxxvii. 

2 Bourinot, Cape Breton, 31; Murdoch, Nova Scotia, 430. 

' Parkman, Half-Century of Conflict, I., 106-108. 



127 

terns 
the 
and 

iica- 

the 

DOth 

the 
were 

by 
and 
seen 
. the 
\lle- 



128 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1750 



bonds to induce migration thither.* Unlike the 
English, however, the French have never been fond 
of colonizing. A complete satisfaction with home 
conditions, rendering them unwilling to look abroad, 
is even in our day deprecated by many wise French- 
men as a serious national weakness. Bounties to 
immigrants, importation of unmarried women to 
wed the superabundant bachelors, ostracism for the 
unmarried of either sex, official rewards for large 
families — all these measures were freely and per- 
sistently adopted by the French colonial officials. 
And yet, after nearly a century and a half, but 
eighty thousand whites constituted the semi-depen- 
dent and unprogressive population of Canada and 
Louisiana, over a stretch of territory above two 
thousand miles in length, against the million and a 
quarter of self-supporting English colonists, who for 
the most part were, from Georgia to New Hampshire, 
massed on the narrow coast between the Appala- 
chians and the sea. 

The government of New France was that of an 
autocracy, continually subject to direction from 
Versailles, where a fickle-minded monarch and a 
corrupt court played fast and loose with their often 
misguided colony.^ The colony was governed quite 

^ Biggar, Early Trading Companies of New France, 95, 115, 
136. 

2 For general survey, see Garneau, Canada (Bell's trans.), I-, 
book III., chap. in. ; Parkman, Old Regime, chap. xvi. ; Bourinot, 
in Const. Hist, of Canada, 7-1 1, and "Local Government in 
Canada," in Johns Hopkins University Studies, V., 10-20. 



[29 

Lor, 
tnd 
3th 
we 
nes 
to 
ted 
md 
di- 
ing 
the 
or, 
•se, 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1750 



for even warrants for fines and imprisonments must 
be issued from Quebec; and subordinate courts, es- 
tablished by an attorney-general who was stationed 
at the capital, were to be found at all important 
villages. The officers of justice were appointed 
without regard to their legal qualifications, being 
chosen by favor from among the military men or 
the prominent inhabitants. 

Local government was absolutely unknown. No 
public meetings for any purpose whatsoever, even 
to discuss the pettiest affairs of the parish or the 
market, were permitted unless special license be 
granted by the intendant, a document seldom even 
applied for. Not merely was [the Canadian col- 
onist] allowed no voice in the government of his 
Province, or the choice of his rulers, but he was not 
even permitted to associate with his neighbors for 
the regulation of those municipal affairs which the 
central authority neglected under the pretext of 
managing." * Absolutism and centralization could 
not have been more securely intrenched. 

In order that nothing might be lacking in this 
autocratic system, there was created by Richelieu, 
in the charter of the Hundred Associates (1627), an 
order of nobility. None was needed in so raw a 
colony, where poverty was the rule, and democ- 
racy more nearly fitted the needs of the situation ; 

* Earl of Durham, Report on the Affairs of British North Amer- 
ica (January 31, 1839), 16. See also Parkman, Old Regime, 280, 

2»X. 



31 

ite 
^as 
3rs 
he 
;nt 
3d, 
nd 
he 
nd 
its 
Dr- 
,ps 
to 



132 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1750 

spaces. The traveller of to-day sees upon the lower 
St. Lawrence, on the Saguenay, and in picturesque 
Gaspe, many scores of communities of this sort, 
survivals of the French regime. 

Now^ and then a seignior was comparatively pros- 
perous, as when given a district with fishing rights, 
assuring him toll upon his tenants' catch; but the 
lord was often quite as poor as his habitants, 
and continually subject to arbitrary official inter- 
ference of every sort, even as to agreements betw^een 
himself and his tenants (censitaires). Unless the 
seignior cleared his land within a stated time it 
was forfeited; and when he sold it a fifth of the 
price obtained was due, although not alw^ays paid, 
to his feudal superior. The rents obtainable from 
his tenants were generally in kind, and apt to be 
trifling — from four to sixteen francs annually for 
an ordinary holding. On his part, the tenant w^as 
supposed to patronize his seignior's grist-mill, to 
bake his bread (for a consideration) in the seigniorial 
oven, to do manual labor for him during a few days 
each year, and for the privilege of fishing before 
his own door to present the seignior with one fish 
in every eleven. But these duties w^ere more nominal 
than real, and often the tenant's obligation was 
satisfied upon the annual performance of some petty 
act of ceremony — thus did they w4th serious aspect 
play at feudalism and satisfy the pride of the 
lords of the manor. But the seignior had no more 
voice in public affairs than his tenant — both w^ere 



33 

:ic 

P- 
rk 

TS 

id 
n- 

tie 

ly 

le 
n- 



134 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1750 



as solicitous as he himself of the dignity of his 
caste/ 

A full third of the population was engaged in the 
fur -trade. From it the peasants, boatmen {voy- 
ageurs), trading-post clerks, and trappers won but 
the barest subsistence ; many of the seigniors made 
heavy gains, although others, of an extremely ad- 
venturous type, like La Salle and Verendrye, were 
swamped by the enormous expenses of the exploring 
expeditions which they undertook in the effort both 
to extend their own fields of operation and the 
sphere of French influence. The military officers at 
the wilderness outposts dabbled largely in this com- 
merce ; indeed, many of them, like Verendrye, were 
given the trade monopoly of a considerable district 
as their only compensation. There are numerous 
instances of such officials amassing comfortable fort- 
unes for that day, and retiring to France to spend 
them; although often their fur-trade, legitimate or 
illegitimate, was less responsible for such results than 
the peculation in which nearly all of them were en- 
gaged. 

For corruption, especially during the closing years, 
was rampant throughout New France. The govern- 
or and ecclesiastics were seldom under the ban of 
suspicion; but the intendant was quite apt to be a 
rare rascal, and from him down to the commandant 
of the most far-away stockade extended a graded, 

* Lahontan, Voyages, gives graphic pictures of the Hfe of the 
colonial noblesse. 



35 

id 
3d 
n. 

lO 

3n 
of 
ce 
n- 

as 
il- 
3h 
n- 



136 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1689 

Even the French fur-trade was confronted by this 
demoralizing practice. It has been shown that 
their forest merchants were unable to offer as high 
prices for furs, in barter, as the EngHsh, owing to the 
greater cost of obtaining goods suitable for the 
Indian trade through the monopoly which hung over 
them as a pall; whereas Enghshmen enjoyed free 
trade and open competition/ Wherever English 
traders could penetrate — into the Cherokee countn,', 
into the Ohio Valley, along the lower Great Lakes, on 
the Kennebec border, and upon the New York and 
New Hampshire frontier — the savages, keen at a 
bargain, would make long journeys to reach them 
with their pelts. The French inflamed the natural 
hatred of their allies for the English as a people, 
and resorted to bullying and often to force to pre- 
vent this diversion of custom, but often without 
avail. 

Ecclesiastical affairs occupied a large share of 
popular attention in New France.^ The bishop and 
his priests ruled not only in matters spiritual, but 
in most of those temporal concerns that came near- 
est to the daily life of the people, being, indeed, 
''fathers" to their flocks. No community, whether 
of fishers, habitants, fur - traders, or soldiers was 
without either its secular priest or its missionary- 
friar. The chapel or the church was the nucleus of 
every village. Being generally the only educated 

* See chaps, iii., vi.. above. 

' Parkman, Old Regime, chap. xix. 



t37 



)0l- 

ery 
n" 

5tS, 

US ; 
ley 
s a 
ed, 
fe; 
;an 
sre 
als 
his 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1689 



moral courage. It is not necessary to be a Catholic, 
nor is it essential that from the stand-point of the 
twentieth century we should endorse the wisdom of 
its every act in the eighteenth, most profoimdly to 
admire the work of the Church of Rome both among 
whites and savages in New France. American 
history w^ould lose much of its welcome color were 
there blotted from its pages the picturesque and 
often thrilling story of the cures and friars of Canada 
in the French regime. 

The one great mistake of the church, which all 
can now recognize, was the barring -out of the 
Huguenots from New France, after the revocation 
of the Edict of Nantes, thereby driving to rival 
English settlements a considerable share of the 
brains and brawn of France, thus building up the 
rival at the expense of Canada.^ 

Practically there were no manufactures in New 
France. Many of the vessels engaged in interior 
commerce were smuggled through from New Eng- 
land ship-yards. The fisheries were, as we have seen, 
to some extent artificially fostered! Agriculture 
was neglected, beyond the mere necessities of sub- 
sistence. Arms, hunting, and the fur -trade were 
the only callings that prospered among these mer- 
curial, imaginative, and obedient folk, who were the 
victims of a paternal and military government that 
had not trained them to work without leading- 
strings. They were distinctly a people who needed, 
* See chap, i., above. 



139 

sup- 
ouch 
f the 
was 

.veen 
. will 
were 
If of 
the 
use 
but 
Dnial 



I40 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1689 



presence or absence of grievances with their Eng- 
lish patrons and on the plausibihty of French di- 
plomacy, which was ever busy among these astute 
warriors. 

With the exception, chiefly, of the Iroquois and 
the Foxes, the tribesmen entertained a real affection 
for the French, who, greatly desiring their trade, 
cultivated their alliance and treated them as friends 
and equals; an attitude far different from that of 
the English, who for the most part dealt v/ith them 
honestly as customers, but could not conceal either 
their dislike of an inferior people or the fact that 
they were looked upon as subjects. French traders, 
explorers, and adventurers lived among the savages, 
took Indian women for their consorts, reared half- 
breed families, and, although representatives of the 
most polished nation of Europe, for the time being 
acted as though to the forest born. 

French missionaries succeeded in the Indian 
villages as no Protestant Englishman, with his cold 
type of Christianity, has ever done. The French 
father lived with the brown people, shared their 
privations and burdens, and ministered with loving 
and sacrificing zeal both to their spiritual and their 
physical wants. ^Moreover, the Catholic church, 
with its combination of mysticism and ritualistic 
pomp, its banners and processions and symbolic 
images and pictures, strongly appealed to the 
barbarians^ If not really Christianized — and there 
is room seriously to doubt whether more than the 



141 

lave 
the 
s to 
.edi- 
f of 

had 
Long 
om- 
Ited 
the 
Dver 
ight 



142 FRANCE IN AMERlCxV [1750 

fretted Englishmen, had enjoyed a fine schooling in 
the hardy and adventurous life of the forest, and 
were warlike and quick in action. Whereas their 
English rivals had been reared to trade, to love 
peace, to deliberate before they acted, to count the 
cost, and to resent dictation. The English system 
was more favorable to peaceful growth; the French 
autocracy was better suited for war. New France 
was but a pygmy, but she certainly had a good 
fighting chance. 



gh- 

L at 
age 
the 
•th- 



144 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



serious danger of all, to New France, lay in the fact 
that the hunters, trappers, fur-traders, and cattle- 
men of Pennsylvania, Virginia, the Carolinas, and 
Georgia were at last venturing by scores through 
the passes of the Blue Ridge and the Alleghanies, 
and appropriating lands and forest trade upon 
westering waters, which France had long considered 
quite her own. 

The thirteen colonies were almost as isolated from 
one another as they were from Europe. Outside of 
the New England group, few persons undertook to 
journey from one to the other, and those were 
generally either officials or occasional tourists from 
Europe — save seamen, who conducted a considera- 
ble intercolonial commerce. Coasting vessels trans- 
ported most of the travellers, for water was an 
easier highway than land, the rough wagon-roads 
and rude bridle-paths often leading through dense 
forests, with infrequent bridges. 

Had there been no differences of race, creed, and 
ideals, the result of this isolation would of itself 
naturally breed jealousy and distrust. The New- 
Englander seldom even saw his compatriot from 
the middle colonies or the south. Men in self- 
governing communities, thus dwelling apart, were 
largely taken up with their petty local village or 
plantation interests; only the broader-minded few 
gave a thought to the affairs of their own province ; 
and still more rare was the colonist who cared to 
know what was doing beyond his provincial borders. 



145 

pie, 
ons 
•ee; 

•rk, 
zed 
on- 
leir 
son 
the 
nd- 
in- 
the 
the 



146 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1750 



apart, of borderers who existed directly upon the 
resources of the forest, game and fish being their 
principal food, while the skins of the deer and the 
elk constituted the greater part of their clothing. 
Often, for the first few seasons, the outpost settler 
grew no crops, either because — graceless, untutored, 
fretting under any fomi of restraint — he detested 
plodding employment, or because his aboriginal but 
scarcely more savage neighbors resented his presence 
on their hunting-grounds and occasionally drove 
him back towards the older settlements. Perhaps 
twenty-five or more miles farther eastward was the 
second border-line, distinguished by the log-cabins 
of men who were raising horses, cattle, sheep, and 
hogs, which grazed at will upon the corrugated up- 
lands of the western Carolinas or on the broad 
slopes of the valley of Virginia. Life among these 
range - men resembled that experienced upon the 
ranches of our own Far West, if we allow for the 
differences wrought by the social changes of a 
century and a half, the proximity of railroads, and 
the substitution of the plains for the forest. The 
annual round-up, the branding of young stock, the 
sometimes deadly disjjutes between herdsmen, and 
the autumnal drive to market are features in com- 
mon. Still eastward, another fifty miles or so, were 
the small, rough holdings of the border farmers, 
separated by long stretches of forest from the more 
thickly settled and prosperous country which a 
generation or two before had itself been the border. 



J 



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-e 

:d 

)e 
r- 
ir 

-e 
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V 



148 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1750 

the various colonies, but most numerous, because 
most profitable, in the south. During the first half 
of the eighteenth century, about a hundred thousand 
Scotch- Irish emigrated from northeast Ireland to 
North America. Landing upon the sea-coast all 
the way from Pennsylvania to the Carolinas and 
Georgia, this sturdy people — whose ancestors had 
been taken from Scotland to subdue Catholic Ulster, 
but who were now under royal displeasure — at once 
sought new and cheap lands. They found these 
towards the frontier, which was then not far from 
tide-water. 

Gradually, as the pressure upon available land 
became greater, the younger generations of Penn- 
sylvania Scotch- Irish moved southwest ward through 
the troughs of the AUeghanies, either tarrying on the 
upper waters of the Potomac or pressing on to the 
deep and fertile valleys of southwest Virginia and 
North Carolina. The South Carolina and Georgia 
Scotch- Irish on their part spread northwestward, 
because the easy southern trails to the west, where 
the AUeghanies degenerate into the gulf plain, 
were savagely guarded by English-hating Cherokee. 
We shall see that these Ulster bordermen, easily 
developing into expert Indian fighters, formed with 
the English colonial adventurers and Protestant 
Germans who commingled with them a highly im- 
portant factor in the coming battles for English 
supremacy in the still newer land beyond the 
mountains. 



49 

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ire 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1744 



liberty of the subject. Massachusetts was always 
the strongest military colony and the most willing 
to contribute to warlike enterprises, with Connecti- 
cut a close second; this largely because their as- 
semblies, long trained in public affairs, had them- 
selves well in hand, and consequently entertained 
less fear of royal usurpation of privilege. 

As to the soldierly quality of the English provin- 
cials, when once in the field, there can be but one 
judgment. Hampered by their numerous and per- 
plexing separatist tendencies, and their sometimes 
painful and unmilitary striving after personal in- 
dependence, they were numerous and possessed of 
enormous material resources; they came of some 
of the toughest fighting stock in Europe, and at 
nearly every vantage-point in the wide and diversi- 
fied field of operations which we are now to survey 
in some detail, they acquitted themselves in a manner 
of which their descendants may well feel proud; 
though in all combined operations the inefficiency 
of the diffuse colonial administration, for purposes 
of war, was painfully manifest. 

Under the treaty of Utrecht (17 13), France had 
acknowledged the suzerainty of the British king over 
the Iroquois confederacy. This important admis- 
sion had for thirty years been held in abeyance. 
In June, 1744, it bore fruit. In a great council held 
with the Iroquois at the Pennsylvania outpost of 
Lancaster, the latter were bribed and cajoled into 
formally granting to their English overlords entire 



152 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1748 

four/ Celeron's report was discouraging. Governor 
Galissoniere, of New France, accompanied this docu- 
ment by a plea for the shipment of ten thousand 
French peasants to settle the region before English 
agricultural pioneers could reach it ; but the govern- 
anent at Versailles was just then indifferent to the 
colony, and the settlers were not sent. 

The backwoodsmen of Virginia were not idle, 
however. Several of them had already explored, 
hunted, and made land claims in Kentucky. But 
more important than these was the fact that in 
1748, the year preceding Celeron's vain endeavor to 
drive English traders out of the Ohio Valley, a little 
group of agricultural frontiersmen from the neigh- 
boring valley of Virginia settled permanently at 
Draper's Meadows, upon New (Greenbrier) River, 
thus planting the first stake for England upon west- 
flowing waters.^ 

In the very year of Celeron's expedition, there 
was chartered by the British king the Ohio Com- 
pany, formed for fur-trading and colonizing pur- 
poses to the west of the mountains. It was a 
Virginia enterprise, designed in large part slyly to 
checkmate Pennsylvania, which, owing to internal 
dissensions, was tardy in taking steps to settle the 
Ohio basin. In this corporation were several pro- 
vincials of social and political influence — among 

^N. Y. Docs. Rcl. to Col. Hist., X., 248. 

2 On the date of this settlement, see De Hass, Western Vir^ 
ginia, 41; Hale, Trans- Allegheny Pioneers, 16, 17. 



153 

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T, a 
ited 
cres 
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for 
lant 
ven 
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:on- 



154 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1750 



western Pennsylvania. He met many Scotch- Irish 
traders, whose centre of operations was .at Picka- 
willany, an Indian village on the upper Miami, at 
Logstown, on the Ohio, eighteen miles below the 
forks, and at Venango, on the Alleghany; and for 
the benefit of posterity he kept an interesting jour- 
nal of his expedition/ His favorable report greatly 
stimulated English interest in the west. 

Meanwhile, the company constructed a fortified 
trading - house at Wills Creek (now Cumberland, 
Maryland), near the head of the Potomac; and 
by the aid of a prominent frontiersman, Colonel 
Thomas Cresap, and an Indian named Nemacolin, 
blazed a trail sixty miles long over the picturesque 
water - shed of the Laurel Hills, to the mouth of 
Redstone Creek (now Brownsville, Pennsylvania), 
on the Monongahela, where was built another stock- 
ade (1752). This path, which, with some later de- 
flections, was destined to become famous in west- 
ern history as Nemacolin 's Path," "Gist's Trace," 
"Washington's Road," ''Braddock's Road," and 
*' Cumberland Pike," successively, was at once fol- 
lowed by a few daring Virginia settlers, who planted 
themselves upon its western terminus.^ 

There had never been any commonly recognized 
boundaries between the North American colonies of 

* First published in 1776, in Pownall, Topographical Descrip- 
tion of North America. See Darlington, Christopher Gisfs 
Journals. 

^ For details, see Lowdermilk, Cumberland; Crumrine, Wash- 
ington County (Pa.) ; Hulbert, Historic Highways, III., IV. 



55 

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Lit 

as 
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156 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1758 



as a clear outline of the French contention at the 
height of the war : France must have at least posses- 
sion of what England calls Acadia as far as the 
Isthmus, and re-take Beausejour; she must have the 
River St. John; at least leave the River St. John in 
the joint occupation of the Abenaqui and Mikmak 
Indians. Lake St. Sacrement to France, at least 
neutral, not to be at liberty to erect forts on Wood 
creek. England will never renounce Fort Lydius 
[Edward]. I believe it to be on her territory; to 
engage her to do so, Carillon [Ticonderoga] must 
be abandoned. Lake Ontario, Lake Erie to France ; 
the English cannot erect forts on these lakes, nor 
on any rivers emptying therein. The height of 
land, the natural boundary between France and 
England as far as the Ohio ; thereby the Apalachies 
become the boundary for England; the Ohio to 
belong to France, as well as Fort Duquesne, unless 
a better fort can be made, and one better lo- 
cated, for Fort Duquesne is good for nothing and 
is falling. To maintain the Five Nations inde- 
pendent and the Indians towards the River Sus- 
quehanna called Delawares (Loups) , and that neither 
France nor England have power to erect forts 
amxong those people." * 

^ Montcalm to De Paulmy, February 23, 1758, in A^. Y. Docs. 
Rel. to Col. Hist., X., 690. 



:he 
on 
;he 
he 



158 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1753 



be followed by another outpost at the Forks of the 
Ohio, one hundred and twenty miles to the south. 
Sickness in the camp had, however, prevented so 
extended an advance that season. The English 
trading-post of Venango, at the junction of French 
Creek and the Alleghany, was, nevertheless, seized 
and occupied by a small detachment from Le 
Boeuf. 

In November the governor of Virginia, Dinwiddle, 
despatched Major George Washington, adjutant- 
general of the colonial militia, guided by Gist, to 
remonstrate with the French against occupying a 
district " so notoriously known to be the property 
of the Crown of Great Britain." * Washington was 
then a land surveyor, only twenty-one years of age, 
and represented one of the foremost of the Virginia 
families. After a dreary and hazardous winter jour- 
ney over mountains and through tangled forests, 
Washington and his small party of attendants arrived 
late in November, first at Venango and then at 
Le Boeuf. The latter's commandant received the 
envoy with marked politeness, but returned word to 
Dinwiddle that he should remain on the ground and 
await the orders of his superior, the Marquis Du- 
quesne, then governor of Canada. 

The Ohio Company, in whose particular interest 
this mission had been undertaken, was not popular 
with the Virginia assembly, just then engaged in a 
quarrel with the governor over land-patent fees. 

y. Docs. Rel. to Col. Hist., X., 258. 



59 

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i6o 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1754 



merit allowed the use of regulars from New York 
and the Carolinas. But none of these arrived on the 
scene imtil after the crash in July. On the last day 
of March, disappointed at the non-arrival of the 
Carolina troops, and hearing nothing from New York, 
Washington, now a lieutenant - colonel, felt im- 
pelled to set forth with his three hundred Virginia 
frontiersmen, "tow^ards the Ohio, there to help 
Captain Trent to build Forts, and to defend the 
possessions of his Majesty against the attempts and 
hostilities of the French."^ His orders were "to 
be on the Defensive, but if oppos'd by the Enemy, 
to desire them to retire ; if they sh'd still persist, to 
repel Force by Force." ^ 

Meanwhile, Trent's little company of thirty-three 
men had in January commenced a stockade at the 
forks. But in April a force of French and Indians, 
aggregating more than twenty times their nimiber, 
aided by eighteen pieces of light artillery, swept 
down the Alleghany in sixty bateaux and many 
canoes, and on April 17 compelled the fort -build- 
ers to surrender. The prisoners were promptly 
released without harm, and allowed to retreat to 
Wills Creek, where Washington met them. Both he 
and Dinwiddle took the attitude that the forcible 
expulsion of British troops from British territor}^ 
was essentially an act of war. The mission to the 
Forks of the Ohio had now taken on a very dan- 

^ Journal of Washington (Toner's ed.), 7. 
' Pa. Colonial Records, VI., 32. 



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l62 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1754 



routed." In this brief time had been fired a train 
which led at once to a general conflagration. Wash- 
ington had discharged the first shot in the French 
and Indian War, for the Trent affair had been 
bloodless.^ 

The Virginians lost but one killed and two wound- 
ed, but of the French ten were killed, one wound- 
ed, and twenty-one taken prisoners. Among the 
French dead was Jumonville. His compatriots at 
once worked themselves into a frenzy over what 
they called his "assassination," claiming that he 
was but bearing to Washington peaceful despatches. 
There appears to be small basis for such a contention 
— judicious peace messengers do not hide for days 
on the flanks of the enemy and act like spies. ^ 

On receipt of the news, Coulon de Villiers, the 
brother of Jumonville, set out from Fort Duquesne 
at the head of an avenging expedition, which pro- 
ceeded in boats up the Monongahela to Redstone 
Creek; whereupon Washington withdrew to Great 
Meadows, where he erected a "fort with small 
palisades." The place was unfit for defence, for on 
three sides higher ground, heavily forested, ap- 
proached closely to the stockade. But the Vir- 
ginians were by this time sorely distressed for 
provisions, ammunition, and other supplies, and 

* Washington's "Journal," in Writings (Ford's ed.), I-, 74, 
75, 88, 90. See also Toner's edition, with notes by French 
authorities. 

^ Ibid., 77-90; correspondence between Druillon and Din- 
widdie, in Va. Hist. Collections, I., 225-228. 



i63 

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, to 



164 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



ginians "confessing," even unwittingly, to the truth 
of the former's allegation.^ 

The number of French and Indians engaged in this 
affair is imknown. Their loss was stated by Villiers 
as two killed — one Frenchman and one Indian; 
seriously wounded — fifteen French and two Indians ; 
besides many others slightly hurt. Of Washington's 
three hundred men, he tells us in his "Journal" 
that twelve were killed and forty-three wounded. 

At daybreak of July 4 the "buckskin general" 
— as the French sneeringly called him — marched 
out over Nemacolin's Path towards Wills Creek, 
a toilsome journey of fifty miles across the moun- 
tains, the heart - sick officers and men bearing 
their baggage on their backs and their wounded on 
stretchers. They were suffered to carry one swivel 
with them, for defence from the savages who hung 
upon their flanks, and to spike the eight left behind 
them in the fort. 

The expedition had failed, but through no fault 
of Washington. An expert frontiersman and Indian 
fighter, despite his youth, his own part had been 
well played throughout, with a proper admixture 
of dash, bravery, and caution, and his men had 
conducted themselves with commendable coolness. 
The delay of the Virginia deputies had caused his 

* Villiers's "Journal," cited in Parkman. Montcalm and Wolfe, 
I., 158, and II., App., 421-423. Synopsized, without reference 
to the "confession," in N. Y. Docs. Rel. to Col. Hist., X, 260- 
262. 



i65 

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i66 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1754 



enemies of mankind," who had invaded "the un- 
doubted hmits of His Majesty's dominion." 

None of the assembHes, outside of Virginia and 
New England, rose to the necessities of the case. 
Even the Virginia burgesses, seeking to gain con- 
cessions from the governor, at first persisted in at- 
taching riders to the grants which were requested 
from them, until Dinwiddie cried in desperation, 
"A governor is really to be pitied in the discharge 
of his duty to his king and country, in having to 
do with such obstinate, self - conceited people."^ 
However, after a protracted wrangle they finally 
voted him sufficient for his needs. Governor Ham- 
ilton, in Pennsylvania, quarrelled all summer with 
his obstinate assembly, composed in the main of 
Quaker shop - keepers, whose religious principles 
were opposed to war, and of peace-loving, thrifty 
Germans, who wanted but to till their acres, and 
concerned themselves little whether Frenchmen or 
Englishmen were their political masters. They told 
the governor that they were willing to give him 
£20,000, but on conditions which he could not 
accept and be faithful to either his proprietors 
or his king; moreover, some of the members in- 
timated that they did not propose to assist Virginia 
in pulling her chestnuts from the fire.^ The New 

^ Dinwiddie to Hamilton, September 6, 1754, and to J. Aber- 
crombie, September i, 1754, MSS. in British Record Office. 

^ Pa. Colonial Records, VI., 168, 178, 184-186, 299, 300; 
Olden Time, II., 225. 



67 

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i68 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1754 



ability, and brave as a lion." ^ It was also ordered 
that two new regiments of the line be raised in 
America, with a thousand men each, under the 
colonelcies of Shirley and Pepperrell — the former, 
it will be remembered, having sponsored and the 
latter commanded the expedition against Louisburg 
in I745-' 

A few wise men had long favored some form of 
union to secure intercolonial action in great pub- 
lic emergencies. The New England Confederation 
(1643- 1 684), which sought to bind together the four 
northern colonies in "a firm and perpetual league 
of friendship and amit}' for offence and defence, 
mutual advice and succor, upon all just occasions," 
vras little more than a committee of public safety.^ 
The first continental conference, held at Albany in 
1690, for treating with the Iroquois against the 
common enemy, has already been alluded to.^ It 
was, however, the government party which usually 
urged formal unions, and consequently they were 
unkindly looked upon as a possible vehicle for roy- 
al control. Several times during the Indian wars 
there were held informal neighborhood congresses, 
chiefly to negotiate with the tribesmen or for com- 
mon defence; these were principally attended by 
the official class, and attracted little popular atten- 

* Fortescue, British Army, 268. ^ See chap, vii., above. 
3 Tyler, England in America {Am. Nation, V.), chap, xviii. 

♦ Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, 89-93; see also chap, ii., 
above. 



169 

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state, 
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J the 



170 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1754 



in our day being Thomas Hutchinson of Massachu- 
setts, Stephen Hopkins of Rhode Island, WilHam 
Johnson of New York, and Benjamin Franklin of 
Pennsylvania. Hutchinson and Franklin were re- 
spectively the strongest types of the aristocratic 
and popular parties. 

In the last week of June the commissioners met a 
hundred and fifty Iroquois chiefs in council. Hen- 
drick, a Mohawk sachem, dominated his fellows, 
and was not slow to taunt the English with the 
feeble character of their occupation of the coun- 
try. Look at the French: they are men; they are 
fortifying everywhere. But you are all like women, 
bare and open, without fortifications." The con- 
ference was in this regard without tangible results. 
The chiefs were loaded with presents; but the 
commissioners not having the power to grant all of 
the numerous native demands, the tribesmen re- 
turned home obviously dissatisfied. 

Meanwhile a committee of seven of the ablest men 
in the congress considered at length a plan of union. 
This was finally draughted by Franklin upon July 
10, and tentatively adopted the same day. Only 
the New England members were authorized to enter 
into a definite agreement relative to confederation. 
It was necessary that the plan be laid before the 
provinces, and later transmitted to Whitehall for 
ratification. The scheme provided for the appoint- 
ment and support by the crown of a president- 
general, and the formation of a grand, or federal, 



171 

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the 
tary 
con- 
nent 
)eak- 
Liblic 
offi- 
pay 
ieral 
s its 
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DTiial 



172 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1754 



in the democratic form of the constitution, and every 
assembly as having allowed too much to preroga- 
tive."^ No further attempts at formal colonial 
union were made, until out of the stress of the 
Revolution was evolved the Continental Congress 
which signed the Declaration of Independence. 

* Carey's American Museum (1789) , V., 368 ; Frothingham, Rise 
of the Republic, 149. 



idria 
d of 

I14) 
^inia, 



174 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1755 



expedition against Montreal ; and, lastly, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Robert Monckton was to proceed to the 
isthmus connecting the Nova-Scotian peninsula with 
the continent, and by reducing Fort B cause jour and 
its dependent stockades to cut off Acadia from 
New France and render it possible to subdue this 
hotbed of French- Indian forays against the New 
England borders. 

Military critics now consider that it was a mis- 
taken policy to divide the attack on the French 
centre by sending expeditions against both Fort 
Duquesne and Fort Niagara, and that better results 
might have been obtained had the English assault 
been concentrated upon the latter. Another un- 
doubtedly just criticism is that Braddock committed 
a fatal blunder in following Washington's wilderness 
road to the Ohio, and making Fort Cumberland 
his principal base. It was a circuitous, rough, and 
unsettled route, lacking in forage and transport, and 
affording abundant cover for his foes; whereas, had 
he proceeded westward from Philadelphia, he would 
have had the advantage, much of the way, of a 
settled country abounding in supplies and the means 
of transport.^ 

Virginia was poorly supplied with wagons and 
horses, for rivers and bays were her principal routes 
of commerce, so that these had to be obtained in 
Pennsylvania, where Franklin's prestige alone suc- 
ceeded in wheedling them out of the reluctant 

* Fortescue, British Army, 270. 



175 

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176 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1755 



the backbone of the expedition, although these 
buckskin-clad backwoods settlers, who obeyed only 
their own popularly elected officers — and those none 
too well — were as yet held in contempt by the 
veteran regulars; and fifty Indians, gay in war- 
paint and feathers, served as scouts, much to the 
amazement of Tommy Atkins, who was not accus- 
tomed to serving with such outlandish allies.^ 

Braddock well understood European tactics, and 
had a fine reputation at home; but he was now 
amid conditions heretofore undreamed of by him; 
moreover, he was not an organizer. He wasted 
just a month waiting for his cannon, so that it 
was June 10 before he started to cross the divide. 
Washington's road had to be widened for the ar- 
tillery and transport wagons. Three hundred axe- 
men cleared the way, but progress was so slow that 
in eight days only thirty miles had been covered, 
and men and horses were worn out and ailing. 
Braddock's deliberateness — for he stopped "to level 
every molehill and to throw a bridge over everv^ 
brook — was exasperating to the provincials, who 
realized that haste was necessary. 

Sixteen days out from Fort Cumberland, news 
came that the French had taken advantage of the 
English delay to throw an additional force into Fort 
Duquesne, and that a detachment therefrom was 
awaiting them on the path. On Washington's advice, 

^ Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I., 263. 
• Fortescue, British Army, 273. 



11 

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178 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1755 



Braddock. This is not so; what occurred was a 
regulation forest fight, in which the French and 
their alhes flanked the British on either side, drove 
them in towards the road, and, from behind the 
trees or fallen trunks, poured into the struggling, 
disordered mass of men and horses a withering 
fire, while they themselves were completely hid- 
den. 

Had Braddock left his men to their own devices, 
it is possible that the day might even here have 
been saved. The Virginians, as a matter of course, 
adopted the Indian method of seeking individual 
cover, and — to use a term now familiar to us, as 
a product of the British-Boer war — ''sniping" the 
assailants. Many of the British soldiers, no longer 
contemptuous of the border sharp-shooters, attempt- 
ed to follow their example; but Braddock, with an 
utter disregard of self, rode to and fro — four horses 
being shot under him — deriding his men as '' coward- 
ly curs," and driving them with the flat of his sword 
back into the ranks. Here, in their bright scarlet 
coats, they were not only mowed down by the enemy 
like a field of poppies, but their own blind volleys 
were disastrous to the provincials in front of them. 
Washington indignantly wrote to Dinwiddie that 
only thirty Virginians were left alive out of three 
companies, ''while the dastardly behavior of the 
English soldiers exposed all those who were in- 
clined to do their duty to almost certain death. . . . 
Two thirds of both killed and wounded received 



■19 
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i8o FRANCE IN AMERICA [1755 



with bullets and who had performed many feats of 
valor upon the field, to conduct the retreat to 
Christopher Gist's plantation near by, after fail- 
ing to rally the panic-stricken horde. As for Dun- 
bar, with the heavy reserves, he had (July 2) gone 
into camp high up on the Laurel Hills. When 
news came of the cruel disaster in the ravine, panic 
at once overcame him and his men. Assistance to 
Braddock was unthought of, ammunition and stores 
were destroyed by wholesale,* and a disgraceful and 
disorderly flight ensued all the way back to Fort 
Cumberland.^ Among the fleeing wagoners in this 
sorry rout, riding one of his horses whose traces he 
had cut, was young Daniel Boone, then a borderer 
on the uplands of North Carolina.^ 

Nothing was now left for the decimated advance 
but to follow the cowardly reserves, which they did 
in a far more orderly and leisurely fashion; for it 
was evident that, contrary to the reports of frenzied 
stragglers, the French and Indians were not pursuing 
them. Indeed, the latter had, when contemplating 
the frightful slaughter wrought in the defile, them- 
selves become panic-stricken in their fear of ven- 
geance, and were flying northward almost as fast as 
the British were scurrying back over the ill-fated 
path of Nemacolin. July 10, while upon the sad 
march, Braddock died from his wounds, his last 
words being, "Another time we shall know better 



*Orme's account in Lowdermilky Cumberland, 181. 

^ Ibid., 183. ^xhwaites, Daniel Boone, 21. 



8i 

ISt 

)rt 

ad 
st, 
a 
he 
m- 
en 
lin 
irs 
ge 



l82 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1755 



the Hudson to the "great carrying place" between 
that river and Lake George, and here Fort Edward 
(at first called Fort Lyman), a stockaded storehouse, 
was commenced. Five hundred men being kept 
here to complete the work and guard it, a provok- 
ingly slow advance was made along the fourteen- 
mile portage to the lake. 

While the provincials were thus wasting time, the 
French were active. Duquesne had been replaced 
as governor of New France by the Marquis de 
Vaudreuil, who in the spring (1755) sailed for 
Canada in company with Baron Dieskau as com- 
mander-in-chief and several battalions of regulars. 
Documents found on the field of Braddock's de- 
feat had given ample information of the English 
plans of campaign, so that Johnson discovered 
Dieskau awaiting him near the end of the path with 
3573 regulars, Canadians, and savages. Several 
skirmishes ensued, in one of which five hundred of 
the English were caught and crushed in an am- 
buscade, and in another Dieskau was not only de- 
feated but himself w^ounded and taken prisoner. 
This advantage, however, Johnson failed to follow up, 
and, pleading illness, scarcity of food and ammuni- 
tion, and the undoubted lack of discipline and har- 
mony among his troops, he frittered away his time 
until the close of November. He built Fort WilHam 
Henry at the foot of Lake George, but left Crown 
Point untouched. The expedition was a failure; 
nevertheless, the home government, probably in 



3 

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)f 

n 

d 

r_ 

e 
.s 
ir 
d 



n 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1755 



was embarked on the lake for Niagara the former 
garrison would cross over and capture his base. 
Lacking in supplies, which failed to follow him in 
season — the commissariat and transportation were 
generally weak, on the English side, through lack 
of organization — Shirley deemed it inadvisable to 
attempt this double task, and therefore left for 
home at the close of October. The only result of 
his venture was the leaving of a garrison of seven 
hundred men at Oswego, as a menace to French 
operations on the Great Lakes. ^ 

Monckton's expedition against Fort Beausejour, 
on the Acadian isthmus, was the only successful 
enterprise of the season. We have already referred^ 
to the sad condition of the habitants and fishermen 
of Acadia. The treaty of Utrecht (17 13) had given 
them " liberty to remove themselves within a year 
to any other place, as they shall think fit, with all 
their movable effects." But although they were 
anxious to betake themselves to Cape Breton and 
Prince Edward Island, various obstacles were placed 
in their path by Lieutenant - Governor Vetch, who 
represented to the authorities in London that their 
removal would "wholly strip and Ruine Nova 
Scotia," and *'at once make Cape Brittoun a popu- 
lous and well stocked Colony" of France.' Forced, 

' N. Y. Docs. Rel. to Col. Hist., VI., 953-959, 994-996; Pa. 
Archives, II., 338, 348, 381, 402, 413-437; N. H. Provincial 
Papers, VI., 432. ^ See chap, vi., above. 

^ Documents in Richard, Acadia, I., 73-98. 



i85 

Eng- 
:hem, 
tiould 
ritish 
vhose 
in a 
rench 
ilated 
: pre- 
Nova 
y ex- 
walls 
-chief 



i86 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



bornly upon their diked fields in the long and ad- 
jacent tidal basins of Annapolis and Mines, which 
were then, as they still are, the "garden" of Nova 
Scotia/ 

The situation was uncomfortable for all concerned. 
The French authorities, with small regard for the 
welfare of the Acadians, were using them merely as 
pawns in the international game. Proceeding on 
the contention, which was certainly admissible un- 
der the clumsy phrasing of the treaty of Utrecht — 
although long usage was to the contrary — that 
Acadia meant simply Annapolis and its immediate 
neighborhood. New France was now claiming the 
greater part of Nova Scotia. Fort Beausejour and 
two or three outlying posts constituted the opening 
wedge of occupation. The French were using every 
possible means to inflame the Acadians to attack 
the Kennebec border while New England was busy 
in the west, and plans were hatching to concentrate 
troops at Louisburg for this purpose.^ It therefore 
seemed to the British of the utmost importance that 
a blow should be struck at Beausejour, and the 
threatened inroad prevented. Moreover, from the 
naval point of view, with Acadia lost, Great Britain's 
hold upon the Gulf of St. Lawrence, the chief gate- 
way to New France, would be greatly weakened; 

' Richard, Acadia, chaps, xix.-xxvi. 

' Shirley's correspondence with the British ministry, in 
1 754-1 755, the originals of which are in the Record Office at 
London, and are cited by Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, give 
ample evidence of this. 



i87 

great 

3 and 
teers, 
)efore 
.nt of 
scally 
)rious 
lesale 
tre, a 
n the 
1 and 
After 



-i88 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[^755 



Allowed one last opportunity to take the oath of 
allegiance, the Acadians, inspired by their priests, 
once more deliberately refused. Thereupon their 
houses, lands, and cattle were peremptorily confis- 
cated, and nearly seven thousand of them — some- 
what less than a half of the population of the entire 
peninsula — were in October packed aboard trans- 
ports, with little regard for their comfort or health, 
and unloaded as houseless paupers at various Eng- 
lish settlements along the coast, all the way from 
Massachusetts to Georgia. For the most part they 
suffered untold hardships before adapting themselves 
to their new surroundings. Many settled in France, 
and in Santo Domingo and other West India islands ; 
but nearly all of these eventually (1784-17 87), after 
thirty years of "suffering all the heart-burnings of 
separation, exile, death, misery in all its multitudi- 
nous forms," found an asylum among the people of 
their own speech and blood in the then Spanish- 
dominated province of Louisiana, where their de- 
scendants form to-day a distinct agricultural popu- 
lation. Others, upon the return of peace, crept 
back " in a long and dolorous pilgrimage" to their 
beloved and once-happy Acadia, to find men of an- 
other tongue and race in possession of their homes 
and flocks and fields, and they themselves compelled 
to seek shelter elsewhere and begin life anew. The 
majority, however, were permanently absorbed by 
the English provinces.^ 
^Richard, Acadia, II., 341, 342, discusses their destination. 



ugh- 
dis- 
iby 
spite 
hem 



ipo FRANCE IN AMERICA [1755 



them to take up the hatchet against the decadent 
red-coats; while it was not difficult once more to 
egg on the old allies of the French, the painted 
tribes of the Great Lakes and Canada, whose repre- 
sentatives had revelled in the loot of Braddock's 
field.^ 

Braddock's road, laboriously cleaved through the 
wilderness to reach the French and the Indians, now 
proved equally convenient to the latter as a path- 
way to the English border. Dumas had often six 
or seven savage war-parties out at a time, ''always 
accompanied by Frenchmen ' ' ; and while provincial 
troops were being massed upon the Niagara and Lake 
George frontiers, and in far-off Acadia, thestmimer 
and autumn of 1755 brought rare misery to the 
neglected frontiersmen of the middle and southern 
colonies. In July the commandant at Fort Du- 
quesne could exultantly write to Versailles : "I 
have succeeded in ruining the three adjacent prov- 
inces, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, driv- 
ing off the inhabitants, and totally destroying" the 
settlements over a tract of country thirty leagues 
wide, reckoning from the line of Fort Cumberland. 
. . . The Indian villages are full of prisoners of every 
age and sex. The enemy has lost far more since 
the battle than on the day of his defeat." ^ 

Undoubtedly, Dumas did his best to repress the 

^Wis. Hist. Collections, III., 214, 215, VII., 132. 
2 Dumas to the minister, July 24, 1755, original letter in 
British Record Office. 



191 

msel- 
. tort- 
3 that 
A^hich 
inted 
vain ; 
llage, 
with 
N the 

rench 
war- 
com- 
was, 

es at 



192 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1755 



later with fifteen hundred, did what he could to 
protect three hundred and fifty miles of open border. 
His command contained many expert rifiemen, who 
understood the art of forest warfare. But they 
were a turbulent and undisciplined soldiery, electing 
their own officers, fixing their own terms of enlist- 
ment, and proudly disdaining all manifestations of 
authority that did not appeal to their individual 
judgments.^ There was, of course, no attempt 
among them to uniform, the officers in no wise being 
distinguished from their men, save Washington him- 
self, who appears seldom to have forgotten the 
essential insignia of rank, although he declared that 
the ideal costume for both men and officers was 
Indian dress. ^ Attired in fringed buckskin hunting- 
shirts, leggings and moccasins of the same, and 
either broad-brimmed felt hats or coon-skin caps, 
and carrying long, home-made flint-lock rifles, with 
powder-horn, tomahawk, and scalping-knife depen- 
dent from the belt, they probably presented much 
the appearance of the cowboy scouts of our later 
Indian wars, save in the crudity of their weapons. 

Had the colonies been left alone to defend them- 
selves, without hope of royal aid or direction, no 
doubt they would have felt forced to unite, and 
might in time have brought together a creditable 

* Concerning methods of frontier militia, see Thwaites and 
Kellogg, Documentary History of Dunmore' s War. 

* Washington to Bouquet, July 3, 1758, in Washington, Writ- 
ings (Ford's ed.), 11., 39-43- 



[93 

1 a 

iry 

ess 

'.es. 

3n- 

On 

ipt 

of 

ali- 

rn- 

rd- 

an 
" 1 

leir 



194 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1755 



Virginians in consequence feared to be long absent 
from home. Desertions were so frequent as often 
seriously to cripple the little army of defence ; and 
among the rangers in the field it was almost im- 
possible to maintain discipline. One of his officers 
wrote: "If we talk of obliging men to serve their 
country, we are sure to hear a fellow mumble over 
the words ' liberty ' and ' poverty ' a thousand times. " ^ 
Washington, however, although only twenty-four 
years of age, was accounted perhaps the most 
accomplished Indian fighter of his time, as he 
certainly was the most prominent, and to him the 
colony looked for the defence of its western frontier. 
He felt strongly this great obligation resting upon 
his young shoulders, and fairly pelted the governor, 
the assembly, and other influential men with letters 
appealing for necessary assistance. I am little 
acquainted. Sir," he wrote on April 22, 1756, to 
Dinwiddie, with pathetic language to attempt a 
description of the people's distresses, though I have 
a generous soul, sensible of wrongs, and swelling 
for redress. But what can I do? I see their 
situation, know their danger, and participate their 
sufferings, without having it in my power to give 
them further relief, than uncertain promises. . . . 
The supplicating tears of the women, and moving 
petitions of the men, melt me into such deadly 
sorrow, that T solemnly declare, if I know my own 

^ Extracts in Washington, Writings (Sparks's ed.), II,, 145, 
154, 159. 



195 

the 
Dute 

pro- 
erto 
:ime 
5lat- 
dng 
)ses; 
lans 
for 
had 
s of 
in 



196 



PRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1755 



Early in the French and Indian raids, and con- 
tinuing through several ensuing years (1755-1759), 
the Virginia and Carolina borderers, under Washing- 
ton's skilful supervision, erected in the principal 
mountain - passes or at other vantage - points on 
either side of the divide a line of stockaded block- 
houses a hundred to a hundred and fifty miles be- 
yond the main settlements. These were garrisoned 
by the westernmost fringe of frontiersmen, who in 
the intervals of raids worked their outlying fields 
as best they might. Fort Ligonier, on the Loyal- 
hanna, a branch of the Alleghany, was the northern- 
most; Fort Cumberland, on the upper Potomac, 
came next, with its memories of Dumas 's rout ; then 
Fort Chiswell, on the gentle slopes of the valley of 
Virginia ; Fort Byrd, on Long Island, in the upper 
Holston, a favorite Indian rendezvous; and finally 
Fort Loudoun, on the Little Tennessee. Around 
these several log strongholds, all of them famous in 
border story, there spasmodically raged through- 
out the long contest a fierce and bloody warfare, 
to which, however, we shall hereafter find few oc- 
casions to refer. None the less must it be remem- 
bered that all the while the larger operations of the 
war were being waged in the north and north- 
east. Washington, with his motley but generally 
efficient corps of riflemen, was hurling back the war- 
parties of French-guided savages which almost con- 
tinually sought to break his cordon. His task was 
quite as important as any, although less heralded, 



97 

he 

lat 
as 
nd 
ts, 

:al 
ds 

iw 

ir- 
th 

he 



jgS FRANCE IN AMERICA [1756 

the island, and to grant commissions to foreign 
Protestants in America; Pitt stoutly held that only 
British soldiers should be employed to fight British 
battles/ 

Hostilities were finally proclaimed between France 
and England May 18, 1756, a full year after they 
had openly commenced. In Europe the contest is 
called the Seven Years' War, and grew out of the 
alliance of France, Russia, Austria, and Poland to 
check the aggressive designs of Frederick the Great 
of Prussia. England was allied with Frederick, and 
felt especial enmity against France because the 
latter was trying to oust her from India and was 
not a comfortable neighbor in America. The final 
struggle between France and England for American 
supremacy is known in our history as the French 
and Indian War. 

It was at last intended by the government at 
Whitehall, spurred on by the minority, under Pitt, 
to organize vigorous campaigns, both in the Old 
World and the New. The Mediterranean fleet 
was supposedly strengthened, under Admiral Byng; 
and a defence fund of ;£i 15,000 and several regi- 
ments of regulars were ordered sent out to Lord 
Loudoun, the new British military commander in 
America. The French, less dilatory, struck first, 
by attacking Port Mahon in Minorca, which was 
insufficiently garrisoned and supplied. The defence 
was stubborn ; but the French were in better order, 
^ Green, William Pitt, 36, 37. 



)9 

le 
e- 
f- 
?e 
at 
s- 

n, 

b- 
r- 

at 

Dt 
St 

n- 



200 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1756 



and had desired to take command in the field; this 
was, however, denied him by the ministry, and 
thenceforth there was a sharp antagonism between 
the two, accentuated by the fact that they were of 
quite opposite temperaments. 

Montcalm had had a brilliant European career; 
he was scholarly in tastes, entertained noble senti- 
ments, and appears to have been a Christian gentle- 
man. Vaudreuil was said by the general to be 
"slow and irresolute,"^ but he generally meant 
well. His was a pett}^ mind, prone to take offence 
at trifles, egotistical, wedded to bureaucratic meth- 
ods, and morbidly distrustful of the officers from 
France, whom he constantly disparaged in his volu- 
minous letters to the ministry at Versailles. More- 
over, he was not above the practice of petty pecu- 
lation, although more honest than many of his 
colleagues. To add to the difficulty, the Intendant 
Bigot, whose real power, as keeper of the public 
funds, surpassed that of either Vaudreuil or the 
general, w^as a vicious rascal, who plundered right 
and left, and saw no good in those whom he could 
not use as tools. Poor in purse as he was proud in 
spirit, inclined to lavish entertainment in the face 
of growing debt, and at times indiscreetly irascible, 
Montcalm had a sorry time of it under the thumb 
of these resident officials, who imited only against 

^Montcalm to the minister, June 19, 1756, cited in Parkman, 
Montcalm and Wolfe, I., 377; incorrectly synopsized in N. Y, 
Docs. Rel. to Col. Hist., X., 421. 



20t 

ave 

but 

let- 

ves 

de- 

^ful 

ley 

^ew 

Lin- 

ere 
»» 1 

ex- 

; I 



^02 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1756 



bands of allied Indians from the valleys of the St. 
Lawrence and the Mississippi, the warriors fluctuat- 
ing in number from time to time — from the six 
hundred and fifty at Braddock's defeat to the 
eighteen hundred or more before Fort William 
Henry, while probably not over a thousand served 
at the siege of Quebec. At the height of the war, 
Montcalm had a nominal command over possibly 
about twenty thousand men in field, garrison, and 
reserve; while as many more were supposed to be 
engaged in irregularly defending the attenuated 
cordon of log outposts and missionary hamlets 
stretching between Canada and Louisiana. The 
actual fighting strength of New France was, how- 
ever, far less than indicated on the rolls. 

We have seen that the British campaign of this 
year was marked by weakness, induced by gov- 
ernmental delays, provincial dissensions, and the 
military incompetence of Lord Loudoun. The 
movements of Montcalm and Vaudreuil. however 
— ^for the time being they acted in common — 
were characterized by considerable energy and 
tactical skill. While the British were slowly pre- 
paring to reinforce Fort Ontario, at Oswego, Mont- 
calm, with a force of three thousand, quickly swoop- 
ed down upon this important key to the Indian 
trade of the Great Lakes, and forced it to surrender 
(August 14) after three days' siege, with its three 
thousand men and considerable supplies. The re- 
lief column, pursuing a leisurely journey thither, 



203 

^hile 
b to 
th a 
med 
tinst 

;vith 
orca 
ted, 
the 
ions 
ight 
md, 
Lews 



CHAPTER XIII 



A YEAR OF HUMILIATION 
(1757) 

UNABLE to withstand the general outcry against 
his mismanagement, the Duke of Newcastle re- 
tired in November, 1756, to be succeeded by the 
Duke of Devonshire. But William Pitt, now forty- 
eight years of age, was the strong man of the new 
cabinet, and with his accession as one of the two 
secretaries of state an entirely different spirit pre- 
vailed in the official as well as the popular attitude 
towards the war. Parliament met early in De- 
cember. The continental troops imported to assist 
in British defence were promptly sent home, the 
militia were strengthened to over thirty-two thou- 
sand men, the artillery and the marines were 
heavily increased, and the island was put in condi- 
tion to defend itself. Squadrons were despatched 
to India and the West Indies ; nineteen thousand 
troops, including two thousand Highlanders under 
their clan leaders — former foes, now for the first time 
taken into the British service — were ordered to 
America; and the somewhat fantastic regiments of 

204 



ilt 1642)*" 
(rebuUt 1665) 



1642) 
jFt.Chambly 

(1665) 
^Ft. St. Johns 
(1748) 



I 
I 



205 

* to 

1 of 
ess. 
3an, 
avy 
ine, 
ith; 
ster 
) be 
ieet 
irly 
sely 
, as 



2o6 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1757 



quartering of the British regulars. The provincial 
troops, enlisted only for particular campaigns, were 
disbanded and returned to their homes at the open- 
ing of winter, necessitating fresh levies the ensu- 
ing spring; but the regulars could not be disposed 
of in this fashion. Lord Loudoun billeted his 
men upon the inhabitants — the bulk of them in 
Boston, NcAv York, and Philadelphia. With that 
watchful jealousy of the exercise of arbitrary pow- 
er, which has ever been a leading characteristic of 
the English people, perhaps not unmingled in this 
case with a penuriousness common to the colonists, 
Loudoun's billets at once aroused opposition. It 
was argued by the general that billeting was a usage 
prevalent in England in time of war, and that the 
troops were here for nothing else than to defend 
the provinces; moreover, an act of Parliament 
sanctioned his demand. New York and Philadel- 
phia yielded under pressure of threats, but Bos- 
ton was settled by the sort of Britons who never 
will be slaves," and obstinately stood out on prin- 
ciple. The Massachusetts assembly finally com- 
promised the matter by passing a special act au- 
thorizing billeting, thus by implication denying 
that an act of Parliament could be binding upon 
them.^ 

Devonshire's ministry was high in public favor, 
but it could not command a parliamentary ma- 
jority, and at court it had no friends. The king, 
* Mass. Bay, Acts and Resolves, IV., chap, xvi., 47, 48. 



207 

ary 
be 
)re- 
lal, 

57). 

.ble 

nd; 
L to 
.ch, 
ake 
,vas 
nly 
on- 
his 



2o8 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1757 



Bnt Pitt's dismissal had for eleven weeks prac- 
tically disorganized the governmental machinery 
and consequently delayed all military operations, 
so that much of the energy characterizing the win- 
ter and early spring was dissipated for the present 
season. In America, Loudoun had early received 
(January, 1757) one new regiment from a former 
Newcastle assignment, but there passed many long 
and weary months before instructions and addi-, 
tional reinforcements reached him. Seven battal- 
ions supposed to have been shipped to America in 
March had at first loitered and then been harassed 
by ocean storms, so that it was the middle of July 
before they straggled into Halifax harbor, the pro- 
posed rendezvous. 

It had been Pitt's intention, acting on Loudoun's 
advice, to attack Louisburg, and thus again obtain 
control of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. For this enter- 
prise, the time for which was not yet ripe, the 
general had unwisely withdrawn the majority of his 
troops from the northern border, and tarried long at 
New York ready for embarkation, embarrassed as to 
his proper course. News reached him of a great 
French fleet patrolling the Nova Scotian coast; but 
finally he ventured late in June to start for Hali- 
fax, reaching there with his twelve thousand men 
after a ten days' voyage, without sighting a hostile 
sail. The long-promised co-operating squadron from 
England, under Admiral Holbourne, arrived a fort- 
night later. 



to9 

;he 
so 
ted 
ty- 
re- 
Lch 
ho 
a 
:es 
Lsh 

ire 
ad 
[or 



2 lO 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1757 



Lieutenant-Colonel Monro, with a force of twenty- 
two hundred. The French held Crown Point and 
Ticonderoga; while protecting their base towards 
Montreal were two other strongholds, forts St. 
John and Chambly, on the Richelieu. 

Late in July, Montcalm assembled at Ticonderoga 
a formidable war-party of three thousand regulars, 
a like number of militia, and nearly two thou- 
sand Indians — the latter gathered from a wide 
stretch of territory, extending even to and beyond 
the Mississippi. The untamed western tribes sur- 
prised the officers from France with their "brute 
paganism," their music ''strongly resembling the 
cries and bowlings of wolves," and their "decora- 
tion with every ornament most fitted to disfigure, 
in European eyes, their physiognomies. Vermilion, 
white, green, yellow, and black made from soot or 
scrapings of the pots ; on a single face are seen united 
all these different colors."^ 

Accompanied by this motley throng, the general 
suddenly appeared before Monro's camp, and by 
holding the portage path prevented Webb from 
coming to the rescue. After suffering three days* 
heavy bombardment, with no hope of relief, Monro 
surrendered on August 9, his casualties having 
aggregated three hundred, while small-pox had 
broken out among his men. 

Montcalm had pledged his Indian allies to desist 

* Father P. J. A. Ribaud, in Thwaites, Jesuit Relations^ 
LXX., 95. 



I 

:e 
le 
e. 
it 

in 
,n 

d 
d 
t, 
le 
w 



212 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1757 



Montcalm and his fellow-officers, encamped at a 
considerable distance, rushed into the melee at the 
risk of their lives, and by dint of prayers, menaces, 
promises and at last force" succeeded in restoring 
order. But in the course of the brief turmoil about 
fifty of the English had been killed and scalped, and 
some four or five hundred kidnapped by the Indians/ 
The remainder found refuge in the tents of the 
French, and a few days later, "to the number of 
nearly five hundred," were, this time under adequate 
guard, safely forwarded to Fort Edward. The 
captives were eventually ransomed by Montcalm 
"at great expense," and carried to Quebec, where 
they took ship for Boston. 

There is no ground whatever for suspecting the 
French of complicity in this shocking affair ; indeed, 
Father Ribaud's report, which bears the stamp of 
accuracy, seems sufficient evidence to the contrary. 
"The Savages," he declares, "are alone responsible 
for the infringement of the law of nations ; and it 
is only to their insatiable ferocity and their in- 
dependence that the cause of it can be ascribed." 
Nevertheless, none better than the French knew 
the characteristics of these demi-demons; with a 
force of six thousand regulars and militia at hand, 
a more efficient safeguard should have been given 
to the unfortunate prisoners. 

* On casualty statistics see Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I., 
514. We follow Ribaud, in Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, LXX., 
183-199. 



213 

to 
bb. 

md 
to 
nk- 
re- 
did 

LOW 

ere 
ire- 

age 
to 



214 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1757 



While these events were transpiring in America, 
British interests in the Old World were also suffer- 
ing materially. Among the earliest incidents con- 
fronting Pitt on his resumption of power, was news 
of the Duke of Cumberland's defeat at the hands of 
the French in the battle of Hastenbeck (July 26), 
and that cpmmander's pusillanimous agreement to 
evacuate the country, which Pitt promptly dis- 
avowed. The minister, eager to do something to 
save the year from utter disaster, now allowed him- 
self to be drawn into the enterprise of despatching 
ten battalions and a powerful fleet against the 
French harbor fortress of Rochefort, on the strength 
of an ill-founded rumor that its defences were weak. 
But on nearing their destination the officers learn- 
ed that Rochefort was quite ready for them, where- 
upon (October i) they discreetly withdrew to meet 
an infuriated British public that throughout the 
winter bombarded them with abusive pamphlets. 



hs 
n- 
n- 

is- 



2i6 FRANCE IN AMERICA , [1758 

first felt their power. He was essentially their rep- 
resentative, and he gloried in avowing it."* But 
this fact, emphasized by his caustic jibes and often 
violent attacks on incapacity in high places, ren- 
dered him obnoxious to king and court. 

His "figure was tall and imposing, with the eyes 
of a hawk, a little head, a thin face, and a long 
aquiline nose his carriage was graceful and dig- 
nified, and he was exact in his attire. If we may 
accept the judgment of his contemporaries — for it 
was previous to the introduction of modern stenog- 
raphy, and we have only synoptical reports of his 
speeches, and reminiscences of their effect upon his 
public — he must be ranked with the greatest orators 
of all times. His style was impassioned; his utter- 
ance *'was both full and clear; his lowest whisper 
was distinctly heard; his middle tones were sweet, 
rich, and beautifully varied ; when he elevated his 
voice to its highest pitch, the house was completely 
filled with the volume of sound." ^ 

Pitt was without doubt possessed of foibles and 
weaknesses ; his vanity was monumental ; he seldom 
took counsel of his colleagues; there was **a degree 
of pedantry in his conversation "; his manner, both 
in private and public life, was peremptory, impetu- 
ous, and often theatrical; his reading was limited, 
and he knew few subjects thoroughly; frequently, 



* Lecky, England, II., 516. 

2 Barker, in Diet. National Biog., XLV., 365, art. Pitt. 
' Butler, Reminiscences, I., 139. 



217 

nd he 
: little 
Lit his 
3rrup- 
l mal- 
ilitary 
ccess- 
Qders, 
tils to 
[ war, 
: cam- 
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2i8 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1758 



exhausted every resource in making it, under the 
splendid management of Admiral Anson, unques- 
tionably the greatest fighting machine of his day. 
The sea power of France had, in the previous years 
of contest, been relatively weaker; and now it fast 
retrograded, not because of failure in marine archi- 
tecture or in equipment — for her vessels were gen- 
erally built on better lines, had stouter rigging, and 
were more amply supplied than those of England^ 
— but largely from inferior seamanship. The Brit- 
ish people, insular in situation and dependent on a 
wide-spread commerce for the very necessaries of 
life, contained the largest body of commercial sailors 
on earth, which constituted a splendid recruiting-field 
for the ever-expanding navy. In the nature of 
things, the latter's carefully selected personnel was 
much superior to that of its competitors, who, 
failing in skill but not at all in courage, had at 
their command a much smaller nursery of com- 
petent seamen. 

For the men themselves, the British naval ser- 
vice was far from a primrose path. The majority 
of the sailors were recruited by the rude methods of 
impressment, which made their employment a sort 
of slavery. Conditions afloat were as unwholesome 
physically as they often were morally. The work 
was of the hardest, and the standard of accomplish- 
ment exacting. Deaths from illness occasioned by 
unsanitary surroundings were far more numerous 
^Wood, Fight for Canada, 95. 



219 

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220 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1758 



Brest, to prevent their ships from getting out to 
sea; (2) flying squadrons attacked several minor 
Channel and Atlantic ports and landed marauding 
parties — a movement intended to keep French 
troops at home, and thus divert them from Fred- 
erick's territory; (3) a fleet in the Mediterranean, 
near Gibraltar, was designed to prevent the escape 
to the Atlantic of the French fleet at Toulon; (4) 
small expeditions were despatched against French 
colonies in the West Indies and along the African 
coast; while a squadron in East-Indian waters in- 
terrupted communication between France and her 
Indian possessions.^ The immediate domestic re- 
sult of this wide-spread naval activity, by means of 
which the ships of France were unable to get to 
sea while her colonies were being battered and her 
ocean commerce destroyed, was the postponement 
of the French invasion project for another year. 

On her part, New France could hope but for few 
reinforcements from the mother-land. Domestic 
affairs were at their worst. Vaudreuil and Bigot 
continued their cabal against Montcalm, whom the 
short-sighted ministry should have placed in com- 
plete control, but would not. The avaricious 
Bigot, correctly interpreting the handwriting on 
the wall, tightened his hold upon the avenues of 
peculation, by elaborating to the utmost a system 
of official thievery which extended from Vaudreuil 
himself down to the commandant of the farthest 
* Clowes, Royal Navy, III,, 17?. 



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222 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



ening foe, he privately, but persistently and unre- 
servedly, reported the rascals to the minister of 
war. "It seems," he wrote, *'as if they were all 
hastening to make their fortunes before the loss of 
the colony; which many of them perhaps desire as 
a veil to their conduct."^ Convinced at last, for 
the evidence adduced by ]\Iontcalm was complete, 
that the king and his unfortunate colonists were, 
in a period of grave public danger, being ruthlessly 
robbed by the governor and intendant, who had cor- 
rupted the official life of New France to its core,^ 
the government at Versailles now pelted them with 
threatening letters — a futile procedure, for the mis- 
chief had been done and the end was near. 

Meanwhile, the "tyrants of the sea," as the 
British were dubbed by continental powers, did not 
neglect their land forces. The army, now com- 
prising a hundred thousand men, was infused with 
vigor. Loudoun, detested by Pitt, was recalled 
from iVmerica, which was henceforth to be the 
centre of British military operations; but his suc- 
cessor. General James Abercromby, was an unfort- 
unate choice. Colonel Jeffrey Amherst, fresh from 
service in Germany, was also ordered to the colo- 
nies with the new rank of major-general, his special 
task being the siege of Louisburg.^ 

^Montcalm to Belle-Isle, April 12, 1759. 

2 See Doughty and Parmelee. Siege of Quebec, II., 35-44, for 
details of Bigot's rascality and his ultimate trial. 

3 Royal instructions to Amherst, March 3, 1758, MS. in Pub- 
lic Record Office. 



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224 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1758 



the Ohio Valley, with Fort Duquesne as its key; 
while the Lake Champlain trough was his centre. 
Louisburg was as well garrisoned as possible, but its 
chief weakness lay in the lack of strong naval sup- 
port from France ; for Fort Duquesne nothing could 
be done with the limited means at the general's 
command ; he was, therefore, obliged to concentrate 
his defence on the centre, his stronghold and base 
being Ticonderoga, which he occupied in June with 
thirty-eight hundred well-seasoned regulars. 

The British plans of offence were, as usual, three- 
fold : Brigadier John Forbes, with nineteen hundred 
regulars and five thousand provincials, was ordered 
to recapture Fort Duquesne and repair the loss 
occasioned by Braddock's tragic failure; the centre 
was to be attacked by Abercromby, ostensibly 
aided but in reality directed by Brigadier-General 
Lord Howe, with the relatively enormous force of 
six thousand regulars and nine thousand provincials ; 
while Amherst, aided by Brigadier-Generals Charles 
Lawrence, Edward Whitmore, and James Wolfe, 
was to lead fourteen thousand regulars to the re- 
duction of Louisburg. 

Pitt had desired that the siege of Louisburg 
should not commence later than April 20. But al- 
though Admiral Edward Boscawen set sail with 
the army on February 19, in a fleet strong enough 
to overpower any possible French squadron in 
American waters, it was May 9 before his flag-ship 
reached Halifax, and the 28th before the vessel 



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226 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1758 



which was the Island Battery, while on the harbor 
main-land were several outlying batteries of con- 
siderable strength — chiefly the Grand, on high land 
westward, and Lighthouse Point, the northern shore 
of the inlet/ 

The fortress walls were surmounted by two hun- 
dred and eighteen cannon and seventeen mortars; 
the garrison, under the Chevalier Drucour, com- 
prised thirty-four hundred regulars, seven hundred 
island militia, and three hundred Indians, besides the 
inhabitants of the town ; and within the harbor were 
fourteen vessels carrying five himdred and sixty- 
two guns and manned by crews aggregating three 
thousand men. As less than ten thousand of the 
British force were at any time fit for duty, the 
fighting strength of the besiegers was about twice 
that of the garrison. 

Strong as Louisburg undoubtedly was, experience 
had already shown the weak spots in her armor. 
High land, with fair cover of stunted firs and shallow 
ravines, closely approached the Dauphin's bastion 
upon the northwest corner, close to the harbor; it 
was also possible to approach from the eastward, 
under cover of a projecting ledge which had served 
as a quarry in the construction of the fort ; and from 
the south, where some firm ground lay between 
Princess's bastion and the sea; while the French 

^ See plans and details in Bourinot, Cape Breton; also list of 
authorities on the siege, cited in Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, 
II., 81, 82. 



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228 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1758 



bastion by regular trenches ; and Wolfe, in addition 
to his north - side duties, and his assistance to 
Amherst, was pushing parallels towards the southern 
end of the walls, opposite Princess's bastion. On 
July 16 this omnipresent officer made a bold dash 
which effected an intrenched lodgement on high 
ground within three hundred yards of the Dauphin's, 
from which he could not be driven by the furious 
cannonading that at once greeted him. 

On July 21 a shell fell upon and lighted one of 
the French men-of-war, which, drifting, set fire to 
two others, all three being burned to the water's 
edge. The two now left were attacked a few nights 
later by six hundred British sailors — among whom 
was a petty officer later world-renowned as Captain 
James Cook, the marine explorer — who boldly rowed 
out into the harbor under a storm of shells from the 
French batteries, captured the crews, and sought to 
tow the vessels to the outer sea. One of them 
grounded and was burned by her captors, but the 
other — the sole remaining ship in the original 
French fleet of fourteen — was successfully removed. 

Gradually the coil of British parallels encircling 
the great fortress was drawn closer and closer. 
Amherst's redoubts had badly shattered the bastions, 
the citadel, the hospital, the barracks, and most of 
the other principal buildings ; while within, the walls 
were now crumbling under their own fire, several 
of the batteries being thereby silenced. On the 
26th, with scarcely more than a dozen of his 



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230 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1758 

having, with the fortress, agreed to surrender all 
their possessions in land, garrisons, and stores upon 
and around the great gulf. This unwelcome task 
accomplished, Wolfe, who was quite the hero of the 
siege, departed for home on sick-leave. Amherst, 
meanwhile, sailed with five battalions for Boston, 
where they were received (September 14) with such 
boisterous enthusiasm that the general complained, 

I could not prevent the men from being filled with 
rum by the inhabitants."^ 

As for Louisburg, the inhabitants — chiefly mer- 
chants and fishermen, with their families — were 
eventually removed to the French port of La 
Rochelle; and two years later (1760) the majestic 
walls were overturned, for the neighboring British 
stronghold at Halifax was sufficient for that quarter 
of the world. To-day the site of this once formi- 
dable fortress, which bulks so largely upon the pages 
of our colonial history, is occupied by a small hamlet 
of Scotch and Irish fishermen ; these eke out their 
slender incomes by guiding summer tourists among 
the grass-grown ridges and mounds which — after 
nearly a century and a half of spoliation, for this 
Cyclopean mass of cut stone is still the quarry of a 
neighborhood with bounds extending to Halifax — 
are about all that now remain of the walls and 
buildings of " the Dunkirk of America" ; while under 
the crumbling arches of those shell-wracked bastions 

* Amherst to Pitt, September 18, 1758, MS. in Public Record 
Office. 



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232 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1758 



it was with difficulty that a panic akin to Braddock's 
Field was averted. In the course of the skirmish, 
wherein the enemy were seldom seen, Howe was 
killed, to the genuine sorrow of every man in the 
column, for he was universally popular. As for the 
French, they were caught between two fires, and 
precipitately fled with considerable loss. With the 
fall of their real commander, however, the British 
rapidly became demoralized, for Abercromby could 
not take Howe's place. " With his death the whole 
soul of the army expired."^ 

Throughout July 8, from nine in the morning 
until twilight, a furious battle raged in front of 
Ticonderoga and its outlying breastworks and 
formidable abattis of fallen trees. Both British 
and French fought with the utmost spirit and 
bravery, the contest being compared by experts to 
Malplaquet and Badajoz. But the British were 
without a leader, and struck wildly; while the cool 
and calculating Montcalm, admirably intrenched, 
and aided by his two best lieutenants, Levis and 
Bourlamaque, was everywhere, and never to better 
effect. Under cover of darkness, the blundering and 
now disheartened Abercromby withdrew with his thir- 
teen thousand men without attempting another at- 
tack. His loss had been nineteen himdred and forty- 
four in killed, wounded, and missing, while the French 
reported but three hundred and seventy-seven.^ 

* Fortescue, British Army, 326. 

* Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, II., App., 431-433. 



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234 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1758 



against Fort Frontenac (the modern town of King- 
ston, Ontario), which lay at the outlet of Lake 
Ontario. It had been an important vantage-point 
for the French from the old days of La Salle, and 
commanded Oswego, Niagara, and thus the lake 
route to the west. Loudoun had favored the scheme, 
but Abercromby overruled it ; his endorsement was, 
however, forced by a council of war, held soon after 
the battle of Ticonderoga. 

With twenty-five hundred men, Bradstreet dodged 
the enemy on the portage trail, returned to Albany, 
ascended by the Mohawk route to Oswego, crossed 
the lake, and on August 25 arrived before Fort 
Frontenac. That stronghold was garrisoned by 
only a hundred men, while nine small vessels were 
in the harbor. These fell an easy prize to the ad- 
venturous colonel (August 27), who destroyed the 
fort and all but two of the ships, and returned to 
Albany exultant. 

He had reason to be, for his success was b}^ all 
means the most important strategical accomplish- 
ment of the year: Lake Ontario, one of the two im- 
portant gateways to the west, was now entirety un- 
der British control. Thus Fort Niagara was isolated, 
and the French could no longer communicate with 
the Ohio River. Fort Duquesne lay at the mercy 
of the British advance, which speedily followed. 
Brigadier Forbes, a Scotch veteran charged with 
the Duquesne expedition, had arrived in Philadel- 
phia in April, but found no army awaiting him, 



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236 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1758 



English, return to their homes ^ — which is exactly 
what happened. Meanwhile, the brigadier upon 
his leisurely progress called a convention of Iro- 
quois, Delaware, Mingo, and Shawnee, which met 
at Easton in October, and those powerful tribes 
gave in their adherence to the English.^ 

The advancing column met with some reverses 
at the hands of French bush-rangers, but the capt- 
ure of Fort Frontenac had really decided the sit- 
uation. The Indians deserted Fort Duquesne, the 
Canadian militia returned home for the winter, and 
De Ligneris, the commandant, was left with a gar- 
rison of but four or five hundred. When (Novem- 
ber 25, 1758) Forbes's advance guard reached the 
fortress, they discovered nothing but blackened 
ruins — the walls having been blown up the previ- 
ous night, and barracks and stores burned; while 
the defenders had scattered by land and water, 
some down the Ohio to Fort Massac, others to 
Presq'isle, and the commander with a small body- 
guard to Fort Machault, the Venango of former 
years. With Lake Ontario possessed by the enemy, 
retreat to Canada was now impracticable. 

Montcalm's right flank had thus not only been 
shattered at two points, but its extremity had been 
driven into the interior, and, through the loss of 

^ Forbes to Bouquet, August 18, 1758, Bouquet and Haldimand 
Papers, MSS. in British Museum. 

' See journals of Charles Frederick Post, in Thwaites, Early 
Western Travels, I., 185-291; this missionary was the principal 
go-between in the British-Indian negotiations of 1758-1759. 



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238 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1758 



useless. Dissatisfaction and official debauchery 
were rampant, for Bigot and his fellows were lining 
their nests in anticipation of the crash that should 
destroy the evidences of their evil deeds; the fur- 
trade had been ruined; a financial crisis was at 
hand. But outside the governmental cabal the 
people of New France were firm against the com- 
mon foe; although hard pressed, and with divided 
councils, civilians and soldiers were willing to con- 
tend for their king and their religion to the last. 

Marshal Belle-Isle, the French war minister, fear- 
ed the worst, but admonished Montcalm to at least 
retain some footing upon North America: "How- 
ever small soever the space you are able to hold 
may be, it is indispensable to keep a foothold in 
North America; for, if we once lose the country 
entirely, its recovery will be almost impossible." 
To which the general — the one admirable character 
in the public life of New France, in these its closing 
months — replied, " I shall do everything to save this 
unhappy colony, or die." As for the English, eager 
and pressing, they were not at all disheartened by 
the disaster at Ticonderoga. The causes of the fail- 
ure were patent: Abercromby had stupidly blun- 
dered; and it was resolved to avoid his mistakes 
in another, and it was hoped final, attempt. 



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240 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1759 



therefor being evident quite early in the year 
1759. Fifty thousand men were to land in Eng- 
land, and twelve thousand in Scotland, where the 
Stuart cause still lingered. But as usual the effort 
came to naught. The Toulon squadron was to co- 
operate with one from Brest; Boscawen, who now 
commanded the Mediterranean fleet, apprehended 
the former while trying to escape through the 
Straits of Gibraltar in a thick haze (August 17), 
and after destroying several of the ships dispersed 
the others; while Sir Edward Hawke annihilated 
the Brest fleet in a brilliant sea-fight off Quiberon 
Bay (November 20).^ Relieved of the possibility 
of insular invasion, the Channel and Mediterranean 
squadrons were now free to raid French commerce, 
patrol French ports, and thus intercept communi- 
cation with New France and to harry French — 
and, later, Spanish — colonies over-seas. 

We have seen that in 1757 Clive had regained 
Calcutta and won Bengal at the famous battle of 
Plassey. Two years thereafter the East Indian 
seas were abandoned by the French after three de- 
cisive actions won by Pitt's valiant seamen, and 
India thus became a permanent possession of the 
British empire.^ In January, 1759, also, the British 
captured Guadeloupe, in the West Indies.^ Lack- 
ing sea power, it was impossible for France much 
longer to hold her colonies ; it was but a question 

* Clowes, 7?o>'a/ Navy, III., 210-214, on Boscawen's victory; 
? 16-22 2, on H^wke's. ^ Ibid., 196-201. ^ Ibid., 201-203. 



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Wolfe, whose family enjoyed some influence, had 
attained a captaincy at the age of seventeen and 
became a major at twenty. He was now thirty-two, 
a major-general, and with an excellent fighting 
record both in Flanders and America. Quiet and 
modest in demeanor, although occasionally using 
excitable and ill - guarded language, he was a re- 
fined and educated gentleman, careful of and be- 
loved by his troops, yet a stern disciplinarian ; and 
although frail in body, and often overcome by 
rheumatism and other ailments, capable of great 
strain when buoyed by the zeal which was one of 
his characteristics. The majority of his portraits 
represent a tall, lank, ungainly form, with a singu- 
larly weak facial profile ; but it is likely that these 
belie him, for he had an indubitable spirit, a pro- 
found mind, quick intuition, a charming manner, 
and was much thought of by women. Indeed, just 
before sailing, he had become engaged to the beauti- 
ful and charming Katharine Lowther, sister of Lord 
Lonsdale, and afterwards the Duchess of Bolton.^ 

On February 17, Wolfe departed with Saunders's 
fleet of twenty-one sail, bearing the king's secret 
instructions to "carry into execution the said im- 
portant operation with the utmost application and 
vigour." ^ The voyage was protracted, and after 

^ For biographical details of Wolfe's early career, see Wright, 
Life, and Doughty and Parmelee, Siege of Quebec, I., 1-128; 
in ibid., II., i6, is a portrait of Wolfe's fiancee. 

2 Text in Doughty and Parmelee, Siege of Quebec, VI., 87-90. 



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due to the skilful management of the navy as to 
that of the anny, the expedition being in all respects a 
joint enterprise, into which the men of both branches 
of the service entered with intense enthusiasm. 

The French had placed much reliance on the sup- 
posed impossibility of great battle-ships being suc- 
cessfully navigated up the St. Lawrence above the 
mouth of the Saguenay without the most careful 
piloting. This portion of the river, a hundred and 
twenty miles in length, certainly is intricate water, 
being streaked with perplexing currents created by 
the mingling of the river's strong flow with the 
flood and ebb of the tide; the great stream is di- 
verted into two parallel channels by reefs and 
islands, and there are numerous shoals — moreover, 
the French had removed all lights and other aids 
to navigation. But British sailors laughed at diffi- 
culties such as these, and, while they managed to 
capture a pilot, had small use for him, preferring 
their own cautious methods. Preceded by a cres- 
cent of sounding-boats, officered by Captain James 
Cook, afterwards of glorious memory as a path- 
finder, the fleet advanced slowly but safely, its ap- 
proach heralded by beacons gleaming nightly to the 
fore, upon the rounded hill- tops overlooking the long, 
thin line of river-side settlement which extended 
eastward from Quebec to the Saguenay.^ 

* "Journal of the Expedition up the River St. Lawrence," 
by a sergeant-major of grenadiers, in Doughty and Parmelee, 
Siege of Quebec, V., i-ii. 



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246 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1759 



The "rock of Quebec" is the northeast end of a 
long, narrow, triangular promontory, to the north 
of which lies the valley of the St. Charles and to 
the south that of the St. Lawrence. The acclivity 
on the St. Charles side is lower and less steep than 
the cliffs fringing the St. Lawrence, which rise al- 
most precipitously from two to three hundred feet 
above the river — the citadel cliff being three hun- 
dred and forty-five feet, almost sheer. Either side 
of the promontory was easily defensible from as- 
sault, the table-land being only reached by steep 
and narrow paths. Surmounting the cliffs, at the 
apex of the triangle, was Upper Town, the capital 
of New France. Batteries, largely manned by sail- 
ors, lined the cliff -tops within the town, and the 
western base, fronting the Plains of Abraham, was 
protected by fifteen hundred yards of insecure wall 
— for, after all, Quebec had, despite the money spent 
upon it, never been scientifically fortified, its com- 
manders having from the first relied chiefly upon 
its natural position as a stronghold. 

At the base of the promontory, on the St. Lawrence 
side, is a wide beach occupied by Lower Town, where 
were the market, the commercial warehouses, a large 
share of the business establishments, and the homes 
of the trading and laboring classes. A narrow 
strand, little more than the width of a roadway, ex- 
tended along the base of the cliffs westward, com- 
municating with the up-river country ; another road 
led westward along the table-land above. Thus the 



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248 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1759 



Bougainville headed a corps of observation, sup- 
posed continually to patrol the St. Lawrence cliff - 
tops and keep communications open with the in- 
terior; but this precaution failed in the hour of 
need. The height of Point Levis, across the river 
from the town, on the south bank, was unoccu- 
pied. Montcalm had wished to fortify this vantage- 
point, and thus block the river from both sides, 
but Vaudreuil had overruled him, and the result 
was fatal. Other weak points in the defence were 
divided command and the scarcity of food and am- 
munition, occasioned largely by Bigot's rapacious 
knavery. 

On June 26 the British fleet anchored off the Isle 
of Orleans, thus dissipating the fond hopes of the 
French that some disaster might prevent its ap- 
proach. Three days later Wolfe's men, now en- 
camped on the island at a safe distance from Mont- 
calm's guns, made an easy capture of Point Levis, 
and there erected batteries which commanded the 
town. British ships were, in consequence, soon able 
to pass Quebec, under cover of the Point Levis guns, 
and destroy some of the French shipping anchored 
in the upper basin ; while landing parties harried the 
country to the west, forcing habitants to neutrality 
and intercepting supplies. Frequently, the British 
forces were, upon these various enterprises, divided 
into three or four isolated divisions, which might 
have been roughly handled by a venturesome foe. 
But Montcalm rigidly maintained the policy of 



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250 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1759 

At the end of June the general assembled five 
thousand provincials and six thousand five hun- 
dred regulars at the head of Lake George. He had 
previously despatched Brigadier Prideaux with five 
thousand regulars and provincials to reduce Ni- 
agara, and Brigadier Stanwix, who had been of 
Bradstreet's party the year before, to succor Pitts- 
burg, now in imminent danger from French bush- 
rangers and Indians who were swarming at Presqu'- 
isle, Le Boeuf, and Venango. 

Amherst himself moved slowly, it being July 21 
before the army started northward upon the lake. 
Bourlamaque, whose sole purpose was to delay the 
British advance, lay at Ticonderoga with three 
thousand five hundred men, but on the 26th he 
blew up the fort and retreated in good order to 
Crown Point. On the British approaching that 
post he again fell back, this time to a strong po- 
sition at Isle aux Noix, at the outlet of Lake 
Champlain, where, wrote Bourlamaque to a friend, 
"we are entrenched to the teeth, and armed with 
a hundred pieces of cannon." ^ Amherst now 
deeming vessels essential, yet lacking ship -car- 
penters, it was the middle of September before his 
little navy was ready, and then he thought the 
season too far advanced for further operations.^ 

^September 22, 1759, quoted in Parkman, Montcalm and 
Wolfe, II., 249. 

2 Official journal of Amherst, in London Magazine, XXVII., 
379-383- 



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252 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1759 



ease had cut a wide swath through the ranks. 
Desperate, he at last accepted the counsel of his 
officers, that a landing be attempted above the town, 
supplies definitively cut off from Montreal, and 
Montcalm forced to fight or surrender. From 
September 3 to 12, Wolfe, arisen from his bed but 
still weak, quietly withdrew his troops from the 
Montmorenci camp and transported them in vessels 
which successful!}^ passed through a heavy can- 
nonading from the fort to safe anchorage in the 
upper basin. Reinforcements marching along the 
southern bank, from Point Levis, soon joined their 
comrades aboard the ships. For several days this 
portion of the fleet regularly floated up and down 
the river above Quebec, with the changing tide, 
thus wearing out Bougainville's men, who in 
great perplexity followed the enemy along the 
cliff -tops, through a beat of several leagues, until 
from sheer exhaustion they at last became care- 
less. 

On the evening of September 1 2 , Saunders — ^v/hose 
admirable handling of the fleet deserves equal rec- 
ognition with the services of Wolfe — commenced 
a heavy bombardment of the Beauport lines, and 
feigned a general landing at that place. Montcalm, 
not knowing that the majority of the British were 
by this time above the town, and deceived as to his 
enemy's real intent, hurried to Beauport the bulk of 
his troops, save those necessary for Bougainville's 
rear guard. Meanwhile, however, Wolfe was pre- 



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up 

m- 
-ed 

vvn 

Qt- 

by 
be 
Dm 
wo 
Lon 
led 
lU, 
're, 



254 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1759 



British general," declared Horace Walpole, ''be- 
longing to the reign of George the Second, who can 
be said to have earned a lasting reputation."^ 
Montcalm, mortally wounded, was carried by his 
fleeing comrades within the city, where he died 
before morning. During the seven hours' battle, 
the British had lost fifty-eight killed and five hun- 
dred and ninety-seven wounded, about twenty per 
cent, of the firing-line ; the French lost about twelve 
hundred killed, wounded, and prisoners, of whom 
perhaps a fourth were killed.^ 

Torn by disorder, the militia mutinous, the walls 
in ruins from the cannonading of the British fleet, 
and Vaudreuil and his fellows fleeing to the in- 
terior, the helpless garrison of Quebec surrendered, 
September 17, the British troops entering the 
following day. The English flag now floated over 
the citadel, and soon there was great rejoicing 
throughout Great Britain and her American colonies ; 
and well there might be, for the affair on the Plains 
of Abraham was one of the most heroic and far- 
reaching achievements ever wrought by Englishmen 
in any land or age.^ 

* Doughty and Parmelee, Siege of Quebec, II., 237. 
' Ibid., II., 332, with detailed British returns; Wood, Fight for 
Canada, 262. 

3 For detailed description of the siege, consult Doughty and 
Parmelee, Siege of Quebec, II., III., and documents in IV. -VI. 



ier 
ed 
in 
:er 
in 



256 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1760 



part in ruins, thievery was rampant, disorder pre- 
vailed on every hand, and the general demoraliza- 
tion was heightened by a shortage of provisions, for 
the country round about had been denuded of 
subsistence material. Wood-cutting was a pressing 
necessity, the supply coming from the forest of 
Ste. Foy, four miles away, whence the soldiers 
hauled the loaded sleighs, for no horses were to be 
had. The troops suffered greatly from insufficiency 
of clothing, lack of proper quarters, and unwonted 
exposure to arctic conditions ; frost-bites were com- 
mon, and the unsanitary conditions, combined with 
the almost exclusive use of salt meats, induced 
scurvy, dysentery, and fevers, which frequently re- 
sulted in death. By the last week of April, 1760, 
no more than three thousand of Murray's men were 
fit for duty. Of the dead there were six hundred 
and fifty, most of the bodies having been preserved 
in snow-banks, awaiting burial after the spring 
thaw.^ Yet it has been asserted that of the six hun- 
dred women attached to the British garrison during 
this frightful experience not one had died and but 
few were ill.^ 

Conditions might doubtless have been softened 
had Murray been provided with adequate funds for 
the purchase of supplies from the habitants in the 
interior, many of whom were disposed to be politic 

^Public Record Office MSS., Return of the Forces, April 24, 
1760; Kingsford, Canada, IV., 362. 
2 Bradley, Fight with France, ^60. 



t.Fresq isic 



t 



'57 

3re 
tn- 
m, 

gh 

m, 
3re 
re- 
ire 

3tS 

re- 
rs, 
le, 



258 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1760 



snow, which soon was trampled to liquid mud, well- 
nigh knee-deep. The young and impetuous Murray 
had been over-confident, both he and his men hav- 
ing under - estimated the fighting capacity of the 
French ; they were fairly worsted after a two hours' 
fight, and obliged to leave their guns on the field, 
but their retreat to the city was orderly. The 
British loss was eleven hundred and twenty-four 
killed and wounded, a third of the force engaged, 
while the French are supposed to have lost two 
thousand.^ 

For nearly a fortnight the situation looked des- 
perate to Murray. Half of his twenty-four hun- 
dred men reported fit for duty were in wretched 
condition, being, as one of them wrote, ''half- 
starved, scorbutic skeletons." ^ But their lesson 
had been learned, and they now set to work with 
feverish activity to repair the defences. In the 
face of this determined attitude Levis did not, de- 
spite his superior forces, push the attack, and in 
his hesitation waited too long. Between May 9 
and 16 three frigates arrived from- England, which 
brought not only blessed relief to the hollow-eyed 
garrison, but destroyed Levis 's ships in the river 
and their cargoes of military stores. On the 
latter day, being vigorously attacked by Murray 
and the entire strength of the garrison batteries, 
the French precipitately retreated, leaving forty 

* Kingsford, Canada, IV., 368-371. 

2 Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, II., 352. 



^59 
nd 

;he 
Lth 
ch 
he 
it- 
ne 

Qd 

ler 
[d, 
,u- 
n- 



26o 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1760 



fund of patience on the part of Amherst, and much 
delicate management, to bring it all about. A mis- 
step might readily prevent the desired conjunc- 
tion, and then Levis would have had a fair chance 
to annihilate each column in turn. 

Murray moved first. July 15 his little army of 
two thousand four hundred and fifty men embarked 
in forty boats, bateaux, and other transports, es- 
corted by three frigates and a numerous flotilla of 
smaller craft, ^ followed a little later by one thou- 
sand three hundred men from the now dismantled 
fortress of Louisburg, under Lord Rollo. With a 
keen watch of scouting parties ranging the banks, 
and disarming the habitants as he went along, Mur- 
ray's progress was slow. At Sorel, east of Montreal, 
Bourlamaque and Dumas lay intrenched on both 
banks with a force of four thousand, but offered no 
resistance. Judiciously displaying harshness tow- 
ards enemies, but kindness towards non-combatants, 
Murray persuaded half of their men to disarm and 
take the oath of neutrality, the others following the 
fleet along the shore, hoping that when Montreal 
was reached the British would find themselves em- 
barrassed between two fires. August 24 he arrived 
at Contrecoeur, eighteen miles below Montreal, and 
went into camp to await his colleagues, who were 
not long in arriving at the island. 

Haviland, whose troops had suffered greatly 

^Clowes, Royal Navy, III., 227, 228; Knox, Campaigns in 
North America, II., 344, 348. 



262 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1760 



the most dangerous experience was the descent of 
the rapids, an undertaking involving great care and 
bravery; as it was, sixty boats were wrecked or 
damaged and eighty-four men drowned. On Sep- 
tember 6, the very day of Haviland's arrival — so 
carefully timed had been the concentrating move- 
ments of the British — the fleet glided triumphantly 
to the shore of Lachine, at the head of the great 
rapids, nine miles above Montreal. The troops 
marched unopposed to a camp outside the western 
gate of the shabby little town, whose ill-constructed 
stone walls were proof against Indians, but pre- 
sented a sorry defence to the attack of civilized 
soldiers with artillery. 

Vaudreuil, Bougainville, Bourlamaque, and Roque- 
maure — the last-named the commander of Fort 
St. John — were now confronted by seventeen thou- 
sand British, well supplied with cannon and stores ; 
while they could muster behind their weak fortifi- 
cations barely two thousand five hundred — prac- 
tically all of them regulars, for the militia had 
deserted, but "demoralized in order, in spirit, and 
in discipline."^ There were provisions for but fif- 
teen to twenty days,^ the Indians had character- 
istically gone over to the stronger side, the Cana- 
dians were disheartened and now for the most 
part disarmed and sworn to neutrality, and fur- 
ther struggle seemed useless. 

September 7, Bougainville waited on Amherst 

^ Fortescue, British Army, 399. - Levis, Journal, 303. 



i 



>3 

It 
le 

,h 
r- 
it 
3r 
s, 
:t 
[e 
le 

LS 



264 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



In accordance with the terms of the treaty, 
the prisoners of war, the chief civil officers of New 
France, a great part of the Canadian noblesse, and 
the leading merchants departed (September 13-22) 
for Quebec, whence a month later they left for 
France. Upon reaching Paris, Vaudreuil, Bigot, 
and their rascally confederates were imprisoned in 
the Bastile for fraud and malfeasance in office. 
When brought to trial in December, 1761, they made 
a sorry spectacle before the court, with their mutual 
criminations. Vaudreuil was acquitted for lack of 
legal proof; Bigot was fined one million five hun- 
dred thousand francs, his property confiscated, and 
he was banished from France for life; others, a 
score in number, received various sentences, their 
dishonesty in the end profiting them but slightly.^ 

The Canadian peasantry, and such of the regulars 
as chose Canada for their home, settled down under 
their new political masters, and in time became 
happier and more prosperous under the new flag 
than they had ever been under the old. Amherst 
had detailed General Gage to be governor of Mon- 
treal, General Ralph Burton was made governor of 
Three Rivers, and Murray continued in charge of 
Quebec. To them was left the administration of a 
policy of kindliness to the unfortunate habitants, who 
were protected against the Indian allies of the con- 
querors, allowed to conduct their own affairs with the 
least possible interference, and accorded a considera- 
* Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, II., 385. 



CHAPTER XVII 



THE TREATY OF PARIS 
(1760-1763) 

THE war for British supremacy in North America 
was at last practically over. The intermittent 
struggle between France and England, which in 
India had lasted for fifteen years, was in 1760 
rapidly drawing to a close, as garrison after garrison 
of the French throughout that great peninsula was 
being reduced. On the European continent the 
coils were gradually tightening around France. At 
the close of the military season of 1760, perhaps the 
most triumphant year thus far known to British 
arms, George II. passed away (October 20). With 
the accession of George III., who was bent on peace 
almost at any price, the official influence of the 
pugnacious Pitt began to wane, and indeed did not 
last a twelvemonth ; although the confidence placed 
in "the people's minister" by Englishmen at large 
was unimpaired. Newcastle's power was still pre- 
dominant in the cabinet; but the man of the hour, 
destined soon to succeed the foremost statesman 
of his time, was the Earl of Bute, a weak, common- 
place person, who, through the favor of the princess 

266 



267 

g's 

by 
)ns 
er. 
[ a 
of 
^ed 
:he 
1st 

nd 
nd 
in 



268 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1761 



believed that Spain's over-sea dominions would 
suffer so soon as France had been driven from 
North America. Moreover, he had many specific 
complaints of his own; for Great Britain, in vigor- 
ously searching for enemy's property on neutral 
ships, had not respected the Spanish, nor indeed 
any other neutral flag. During 1758 "not less than 
176 neutral vessels, laden with the rich produce of 
the French colonies, or with military and naval 
stores, to enable them to continue the war, rewarded 
the vigilance of the British Navy." ^ The British 
held that contraband of war might freely be sought 
in neutral bottoms, and that her paper blockade of 
French ports was to be respected by all. This at- 
titude was cause sufficient for the growing unpop- 
ularity of England on the continent. 

Pitt was not long in discovering the existence of 
the Family Compact. Indignantly breaking off 
communications with France, he proposed at once 
to declare war against Spain, hoping to gain ad- 
vantage from the latter 's unprepared condition. 
■But under Bute's lead the king and the cabinet 
refused to follow him in this extreme measure, and 
the great commoner therefore resigned, October 5, 
1 761, declaring that " he would not continue without 
having the direction."^ 

After three months, Spain thought herself strong 
enough to carry a high hand, and became so insolent 

^ Campbell, Lives of British Admirals, V., 70, 
2 Green, William Pitt, 185, 



200 300 400 



i 



269 

self 
Drt- 
had 
his 

fif- 
md 
ing 
yet 
*om 
;red 
[ian 
[ue, 
:ing 



270 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1762 



by frightful losses to the British — one thousand 
in killed and wounded, and five thousand deaths 
from illness, for the plague had broken out in the 
army. Because of this havoc in the ranks, a con- 
templated attack on the French in Louisiana was 
countermanded.^ 

Meanwhile, the French, taking advantage of the 
withdrawal of British troops from Canada, sent out 
from Brest a small squadron against Newfound- 
land, which was surrendered by a still weaker gar- 
rison on June 2 7 ; the island was, however, retaken 
by the British on September 18.^ The allies had 
sought to coerce Portugal into joining them, but an 
English fleet and army drove them back into Spain. ^ 
In the first week of October the Philippine Islands 
were surrendered to an expedition which sailed from 
Calcutta on September i and easily captured Manila 
and the island of Luzon. A ransom of $4,000,000 
was promised by the Spanish for the return of 
the archipelago; but as the indemnity was not 
mentioned in the subsequent treaty of Paris, it was 
never paid.^ At the same time English vessels 
captured several heavily laden Spanish treasure 
ships bound from the Philippines to Mexico and 
Peru. The loss of Manila meant the cutting off 
of Spain from Asia, and the fall of Havana severed 

^ Fortescue, British Army, 536-544; Clowes, Royal Navy, III,, 
242-250. 

2 Kingsford, Canada, IV., 493-495; Clowes, Royal Navy, III., 
250, 251. ^Mahsixx, Inflitence of Sea Power, 315, 316. 

* Ibid., 316, 498; Fortescue, British Army, 545. 



271 

at 
lith 
im- 
Dm- 
*ick 
his 
the 

the 
5ses 
ner 
3rs, 
ght 
en; 

:ot- 



272 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1762 



been more carefully conserved. Bute and the king 
exhibited undue haste at peace-making. To this 
spirit of complacency was attributable the sur- 
render to the French of Goree, Guadeloupe, and 
Martinique; also the grant to them of fish-drying 
rights on the west and north shores of Newfound- 
land, as under the treaty of Utrecht (17 13), and 
the setting apart of the islands of St. Pierre and 
Miquelon "to serve as a shelter for the French 
fishermen" — although French fishers must not ap- 
proach within fifteen leagues of the island of Cape 
Breton or other English coasts. 

During the peace negotiations, in the summer of 
1762, the question was raised among the repre- 
sentatives of England whether it were worth while 
to hold New France, some contending that it would 
be more profitable to retain instead the sugar- 
producing island of Guadeloupe. Canada, it was 
argued, was valuable only for its fur trade ; were it 
to remain in the possession of France, the English 
continental colonies, hemmed in to the Atlantic slope, 
would have a standing menace at their back door, 
admonishing them to remain dependent on Great 
Britain. England was plainly warned by foreign 
statesmen, who had watched the growing spirit of 
independence in America, that she would lose her 
colonies "the moment Canada should be ceded." 
Franklin's statement, however, that the colonies 
were so jealous of one another that there was "not 
any danger of their uniting against their own 



.J 



273 

re- 
^ de- 
dian 
[uire 

New 
first 
^lish 
dco, 
But 
just, 
iring 
lain- 
sea. 



274 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1762 



dred thousand livres a year, without }delding a sou 
in return," and now, with an amusing air of mag- 
nanimity, proposed to turn it over to Spain. ^ But 
the latter claimed the territory as her own, on the 
ground of prior discovery, French occupation having 
only been "tolerated by Spain," and was not at 
first disposed to accept it back again as a gift — 
indeed, she plainly showed that she did not care for 
this vast and untamed wilderness. 

In his generosity, however, Louis XV. overlooked 
this reluctance, and on the very day (November 3) 
when the preliminary articles with England were 
signed, in a personal letter solemnly conveyed 
Louisiana to the court of Spain, as a partial recom- 
pense for what the war had cost his beloved ally; 
and nine days later Charles III., apparently with 
some hesitation, accepted the act of cession. His 
Catholic majesty thought fit to explain to his Coun- 
cil of the Indies that in taking on this costly charge 
he "was inclined to accept" because the Alississippi 
would form an excellent natural boundar^^ to Alexico ; 
because smuggling from Louisiana into Mexico would 
now be stopped; because if Spain did not take the 
territory Great Britain might feel impelled to do so, 
and then it would be "fortified by the English at 
our very back"; and in general, it was not good 
policy to oft'end France.- This private transaction 

^Choiseul to Ossun, September 20, 1762, in Polit. Set. Quar- 
terly, xix., 447. 
2 Ibid., 455-457. 



275 

^een 
lary 

.ews 

idia 
ica, 
ince 
)hio 
;ave 

isl- 
/in- 

ex- 
:ent 
nan 



276 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1763 



able West Indian islands, and by our concessions 
in the Newfoundland fishery," said Pitt, *'we have 
given to her the means of recovering her prodigious 
losses, and of becoming once more formidable at 
sea." * The unpopular compact was forced through 
Parliament only by a scandalous course of govern- 
mental intimidation and bribery.^ Notwithstand- 
ing this opposition, however, England, as a result 
of the Seven Years' War, had in four continents 
made tremendous strides in imperial prestige, as 
well as added enormously to her realm. Her pres- 
ent greatness then received its principal impetus. 

The contest between French and English for 
supremacy in North America had been inevitable. 
In speech, thought, and aims, the two races were 
widely separated. Each had aspirations of ex- 
tensive empire, and one could not grow without 
hampering the field of the other. The struggle 
was long impending before it came to an issue ; but 
in the end the race best suited to conquer the wil- 
derness won. That the victory should have taken 
place before the walls of Quebec was accidental. 
Had not Wolfe scaled the Heights of Abraham, an- 
other leader in some later year would doubtless 
have led the English to success; the result was 
merely a question of time. Considering the cir- 
cumstances, it was in the nature of things that the 

' Green, William Pitt, 206. 

^ Ibid., 199, 200; Mahan, Influence of Sea Power, 322, 323; 
Kingsford, Canada, IV,, 499. 



277 

rica 
mid 
the 
the 
:ore 
aris 
ard 

*om 
)rth 

7, 
iin- 

cits, 

iast 



278 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1763 



was irresistible; the great west was theirs, and 
they proceeded in due time to occupy it. 

English institutions, having defeated French, 
were now put to another test. The western sav- 
ages, unconquered allies of France, must now be 
pacified before the English could enter into full pos- 
session of the Ohio and the upper lakes. An up- 
rising under Pontiac, head-chief of the Ottawa, in 
1763, was the last act in the drama. The natives 
did not look kindly upon the treaty of Paris, and 
proposed to assert themselves by destroying the 
new masters of their ancient domain. "The Eng- 
lish shall never come here so long as a red man 
lives," was the message sent by them to the Illinois 
French, who were nothing loath to encourage the 
uprising, if the Indians would do the fighting; for 
it was plainly foreseen by them as by the Indians 
that English rule meant that the wilderness was not 
much longer to remain a fur-trading Arcady, that 
the old life in the west must soon become a thing 
of the past. While taking no part in the war, 
there was no hesitation on the side of the French 
in hinting that their ' * great father, ' ' now strong 
again, was preparing to recapture the country, and 
Pontiac would but prepare the way.^ 

The conspiracy was active from Niagara and the 
Alleghanies on the east to Lake Superior and the 
Mississippi on the west. Throughout the summer 

^ Moses, Illinois, I., 124, 125; P^rkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac^ 



279 

1 a 
*oit 

ide 
lac, 
ay- 
ere 
the 
ere 
md 
aid 
lish 
md 
an- 
her 



28o FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1765 



lish North American colonies were twenty- three in 
number, grouping the West Indian islands as one 
province. Of these Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, what 
is now New Brunswick, Hudson Bay, and the two 
Floridas had but a feeble population ; Quebec was 
French in all but government. The thirteen colonies 
most distinctly English in institutions and senti- 
ment had, notwithstanding the king's proclamation 
restricting them to the coast, a new opportunity of 
territorial and industrial development. In their 
hands lay the future of the entire region between 
the Mississippi and the Atlantic. 



of 
lad 
ear 
:he 
lot 
the 



282 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1762 



include Oregon or any other lands westward of the 
Rockies-/ neither was Texas a part of this broad 
domain.2 Spain never acknowledged that France 
possessed any rights in Texas, La Salle's colony in 
1685 being considered but a temporary and un- 
intentional settlement; and even after she acquired 
Louisiana, Texas was governed as a separate prov- 
ince. As for the claim of the United States to the 
northwest coast, it lies not in the purchase of 
Louisiana territory from France m 1803, but on 
discovery from the sea by Captain Gray (1792), 
the Lewis and Clark expedition (1805), the settle- 
ment of Astoria (181 1), the acquisition of the rights 
of Spain (1819),^ and actual colonization in later 
years. ^ 

The population of Louisiana at the close of the 
great war was probably thirteen thousand whites, 
of whom three thousand were in the present Indi- 
ana and Illinois, and the remainder in Lower 
Louisiana, leaving out of account as attached to 
Canada the three thousand or more people in 
Detroit and its trading-post dependencies on the 
upper lakes. New Orleans, both from its posi- 
tion and the superior character of its people, was 

^ Marbois, Memoirs, IV,, 275; Am. Hist. Review, IV., 445; 
letter of Jefferson (1803), in Writings (Ford's ed.), VIII., 261- 
263; Henry Adams, United States, II., 6. 

2 Picklin, "Was Texas Included in the Louisiana Purchase?" 
in Southern Hist. Assoc., Publications, V., 384-386. 

' J. Q. Adams to Rush, in Am. State Papers, Foreign Relations, 
v., 791. 

* Channing, Jeffersonian System {Am. Nation, XII.). 



283 

norl- 
and 
ula- 
its 
ival 
lost 
(on 
lez, 
cies 
mc- 
^ort 
the 

L to 

3m- 



284 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1763 



We have seen ^ that Detroit and the posts on or 
near the Great Lakes and the upper Ohio had passed 
into possession of their new owners within a year 
of the fall of Montreal. East and West Florida 
were taken over by British troops in the autumn of 
1763, as soon as possible after the signing of the 
treaty of Paris. It had been deemed essential to 
penetrate to the Illinois at the earliest opportunity, 
in order to give to the savages visual evidence of 
Great Britain's power; but owing to the Pontiac 
uprising British soldiers found their road thither 
blocked by the confederated tribesmen. Several 
expeditions were sent out, but they met with per- 
sistent opposition, and occupation was delayed for 
two years. 

The settlement of Ste. Genevieve, on the western 
side of the ^lississippi, about twenty miles below 
Fort Chartres, was planted certainly as early as 
1 741-1742, and tradition places the date at 1735.^ It 
sooii became of considerable importance in the fur 
trade. The hamlet was visited early in November, 
1736, by Pierre Laclede Liguest, a successful trader, 
who had ventured up the river from New Orleans 
in a barge laden with goods for Indians and settlers. 
Finding no room there for his projected trading- 
post, he selected the site of the present St. Louis. 
While spending the winter at Fort Chartres, news 
arrived of the treaty of Paris, which much dis- 
heartened the Illinois French, for they had hoped 

* See chap, xvi., above. ' Scharf, Saint Louis, I., 65. 



28s 

and. 
.ver, 
mch 
the 
ided 
ary, 
ther 
;nch 

om- 
rnor 
the 
[ at 
:urn 



286 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1765 



began to trust that France might continue in 
possession. But Captain Thomas Sterling reached 
Fort Chartres October 10, 1765, with a hundred 
veteran Highlanders. Presenting Gage's proclama- 
tion,^ he received from the reluctant commandant 
full "possession of the country of the Illinois." 
After hauling down the last French flag to float on 
the American main-land east of the Mississippi, 
St. Ange retired to St. Louis with his little garrison, 
now numbering some twenty men. There, without 
further warrant than the common consent of the 
French inhabitants, he served as acting governor 
until 1770, when Captain Pedro Piernas arrived 
from New Orleans to assume charge of Upper 
Louisiana as Spain's lieutenant-governor.^ 

Early in 1765, at a time when it was still hoped in 
New Orleans that Spain might not, after all, as- 
sume control, the chief citizens of Lower Louisiana 
met in New Orleans, and draughted a petition to 
Louis XV. not to sever them from France; but the 
messenger despatched to Paris was informed that 
restitution was impossible.^ The first Spanish gov- 
ernor-general, Don Antonio de Ulloa, arrived at the 
then shabby little capital of Louisiana, March 5, 
1766, accompanied by ninety soldiers, and took 
command of public affairs, although there was no 
formal transfer. A man of some excellent parts, and 

* Text in Wallace, Illinois and Louisiana under French Rule , 
361. ^ Billon, Saint Louis, 27-30, 128. 

3 Wallace, Illinois and Louisiana under French Rule, 368. 



87 

.ve 
ise 
)n- 

;ed 
ew 
)m 

65 
he 
;he 

ng 

of 
tly 
>ur 



288 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



[1769 



only when the yoke has been imposed/' The fol- 
lowing summer there arrived at New Orleans Don 
Alexandro O'Reilly, newly appointed governor-gen- 
eral and commander of the province, backed by a 
frigate and twenty - three transports, with three 
thousand soldiers. The chiefs of the revolution 
were arrested, several of them shot, and others 
confined in the castle at Havana/ 

Under Ulloa, French political methods had been 
retained; but O'Reilly introduced Spanish law and 
governmental machinery, and instituted a cabildo. 
Execrated by the colonists because of his unneces- 
sarily harsh treatment of the revolutionists of 1768, 
although otherwise a man of good judgment, 
"Bloody O'Reilly" was succeeded in 1770 by the 
mild and humane Unzaga, who soothed the Creoles 
into a fair measure of contentment with Spanish 
rule. He was followed seven years later by the 
conciliatory and consequently popular Galvez, who 
materially aided the cause of the American revolu- 
tionists by dealing severely with English traders on 
the Mississippi, while at the same time Americans 
were permitted to purchase munitions of war in 
New Orleans and ship them by river to Fort Pitt. 

When Spain declared war against England, in 
1779, Galvez assembled a military force of six 
hundred and seventy men, mostly French, and in 
a brief but brilliant campaign conquered the Eng- 
lish settlements of Manchac, Baton Rouge, and 
^ Fortier, Louisiana, I., chap. x. 



289 

wo 
ile. 
la- 
ur- 

aes 
the 
the 

ing 
.nd 
sed 
ere 
No 
ne, 



290 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



swollen marshes of eastern Illinois, French volun- 
teers were an important element in his command; 
and when that post was captured, February 24, 
1779, the Vincennes habitants at once entered into 
full fellowship with the conquering "Big Knives." ^ 
In May, 1780, the English commandant at Macki- 
nac sent an expedition consisting of " Seven Hun- 
dred & fifty men including Traders, servants and 
Indians ... in an attack on the Spanish & Illinois 
Country." After a mild demonstration against 
St. Louis, the principal feature of which was the 
burning of outlying cabins, the raiders returned 
by various routes through Illinois and Wisconsin. 
"They brought off Forty-three Scalps, thirty-four 
prisoners, Blacks and Whites & killed about 70 
Persons. They destroyed several hundred cattle, 
but were beat off on their attacks both sides of the 
River." 2 

This enterprise was soon replied to by the Span- 
ish, who in January, 1781, despatched a force of 
sixty-five militiamen — over half of them French — 
under Don Eugenio Pourre, against Fort St. Joseph, 
near the present Alichigan town of Niles. After a 
weary midwinter march of four hundred miles across 
Illinois and northern Indiana, the small English gar- 
rison at St. Joseph was, together with a consider- 

^Thwaites, Hoiv George Rogers Clark Won the Xorihu'est, etc., 
27-63; see also Van Tyne, A)nerican Revolution {Am. Xation, 
IX.), chap. XV. 

2 Wisconsin Hist. Collections, XI., 1 51-156. 



191 

ed 
m- 

rre 

er, 
to 

to 

36- 

on 
in- 
,ck 
nk 
an 



292 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1788 



discontent in Kentucky, fomented by Spanish in- 
trigues. All manner of schemes were advanced, 
varying with men's temperaments and ambitions. 
Filibustering expeditions against the Spanish were 
first proposed. Then (1788), when this did not ap- 
pear practicable, men like George Rogers Clark 
were willing to join hands with Spain herself in 
the development of the continental interior — and, 
indeed, many Kentuckians, allured by promises of 
large land grants, settled on Spanish territory to 
the west of the great river, as did Daniel Boone 
and his kindred in 1799. In 1793 and 1794 Clark 
w^as ready to help France oust Spain from Louisiana.^ 
These several projects illustrate the unrest which 
animated the trans-Alleghany region throughout 
some twenty years of its formative period.^ In 
1795 the free navigation of the Mississippi was 
granted to the Americans by treaty. But under the 
governorship of Lemos (179 7- 1799) friction arose 
with the United States over that official's arbitrary 
regulations regarding American commerce through 
the port of New Orleans; the trouble blew over, 
however, and under Governor Salcedo amicable re- 
lations were resumed. 

All this while life among the French, both in 
Upper and Lower Louisiana — the number of Span- 
ish was always small, and almost wholly confined 

^Bassett, Federalist System {Am. Nation, XL). 
2 Full treatment in Turner, "Correspondence of Clark and 
Genet," in Am. Hist. Assoc., Report, 1896, pp. 930-1107. 



93 



a 
iy 
^d, 

St. 

sir 
its 
w- 
^e. 

ad 
of 
he 
ad 
he 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1800 



which was corruptly managed in every department 
of the service, remained a considerable expense to 
Spain as it had been to France.^ 

Reflecting upon the tragic story of the ousting of 
France from North America, the great Napoleon 
deemed it possible to rehabilitate New France to 
the west of the Mississippi, thus not only reflecting 
glory upon the mother-land, but checking the Unit- 
ed States in its westward growth. He therefore 
coerced Charles IV. of Spain to retrocede Louisiana 
to France by the secret treaty of St. Ildefonso, signed 
October i , 1 800 — a cession supposed by Spain to be 
but nominal, but intended by Napoleon to be per- 
manent.^ There was, however, no formal transfer 
at the time. Three years later (April 30, 1803), 
Napoleon sold Louisiana to the United States for 
$15,000,000. His object was evident: the war-chest 
of France needed replenishment ; during his projected 
war with Great Britain the latter's all - powerful 
navy might readily seize the capital of his far-off 
colony, and invasion from Canada was entirely 
practicable ; moreover, by giving her great American 
rival the opportunity to expand its bounds westward, 
England's ambitions thither would be checkmated. 
Spain, whose dominion, despite the treaty of 1800, 
had not yet been disturbed, first formally trans- 
ferred the province to France, November 30, and on 

^ Pontalba, "Memoir," cited in Fortier, Louisiana, II., 208-213. 
2 Becker, in La Espafia Moderna, May, 1903; Channing, Jef- 
jersonian System {Am, Nation, XII.). 



5 

i 

i 
1 



CHAPTER XIX 



CRITICAL ESSAY ON AUTHORITIES 

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL AIDS 

WHILE not a formal bibliography of New France, a 
considerable list of books on the subject is given in 
Reuben Gold Thwaites, Jesuit Relations and A Hied 
Documents (73 vols., 1896-1901), LXXI., 219-365. Justin 
Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America (8 vols., 
1888-1889), v., 420, 472, 560-611, is full, useful, and 
suggestive, but only includes material published to 1887. 
J. N. Earned, Literature of American History, a Biblio- 
graphical Guide (1902), 106-110, 391-405, 410-421, is a 
convenient introduction to the sources and literature. 
Channing and Hart, Gtiide to the Study of American History 
(1896), §§ 87-91, 131, 132, is brief but serviceable. The 
numerous and sometimes extended bibliographical notes 
in the twelve volumes of Francis Parkman, France and 
England in North America (complete ed., 1898), are of great 
value, but often lack definiteness in the matter of location 
of sources. The "Bibliography of Fellows of the Royal 
Society of Canada," in that s,ocietY's Proceedings, XII., 1-79, 
is useful, for therein are listed many monographs on Cana- 
dian history, both in French and English. On the specific 
topic indicated by the title of the work, an elaborate 
bibliography will be found in Doughty and Parmelee, 
The Siege of Quebec and the Battle- of the Plains of Abraham 
(6 vols., 1901), VI., 151-319. 

Special bibliographies will be found in other volumes of 
the American Nation series, as follows: On early dis- 

296 



>97 

lea,, 
)lo- 
ica, 
■ov- 
:ial 



□ry 

(lO 

the 
ing 
ory 
la 
A. 

►5); 

52- 



^g^ FRANCE IN AMERICA [1603 

A brief, convenient, and impersonal manual of the 
subject is H. H. Miles, History of Canada under French 
Regime (1872). Justin Winsor, in his C artier to Frontenac 
(1894) and Mississippi Valley (1895), studies New France 
largely from the side of exploration and cartography; 
very useful for reference, but rather unreadable. A. B. 
Hulbert, Historic Highways of America (15 vols., 1903- 
1905), especially II. -V., has much of importance on trails, 
trade-routes, and war-paths. Useful general suggestions 
of a like character are obtainable from Ellen C. Semple, 
American History and its Geographic Conditions (1903). 

GENERAL COLLECTIONS OF SOURCES 

There are several collections of prime ^ importance. 
That edited by Pierre Margry, Decouvcrtcs et Etablissements 
des Frangais, etc. (6 vols., 1879-1888), has chiefly to do 
with explorations, and is invaluable for La Salle's operations 
— but Margry is not above suspicion of having "doctored" 
some of his La Salle MSS. in order to prove his own his- 
torical contentions. O'Callaghan and Fernow, Documents 
Relating to the Colonial History of New York (15 vols., 1853- 
1883), cover the entire period of the French regime, with 
especial reference to intercolonial relations. The Collec- 
tion de documents relatif a Vhistoire de la Nouvclle France 
(4 vols., 1883) is general in character. Important series 
are those printed in Douglas Brymner, Reports on Canadian 
Archives (24 vols., 1874-1903): the Haldimand Collection 
was published in 1 884-1 885, Bouquet Collection in 1889, 
Murray Correspondence in 1890, Nova Scotia documents in 
1894, Siege of Quebec material in 1895, and the Moreau- 
St. Mery Collection in 1899. Of general value, although 
specifically in the field of Jesuit missions and explorations, 
are R. G. Thwaites, Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, 
cited above. P. G. Roy, Bulletin de Recherches Historiques 
(9 vols., 1 895-1 904), contains much of a general character; 
so also the Royal Society of Canada, Proceedings and 
Transactions (ist series, 12 vols., 1882-1893; 2d series, 9 



?99 

3al, 

Hn, 

Drd 
%ke 
for 
ine 
ual 

TtS 

)ls. 
ris, 
ler 

ion 

(2 
US- 



300 



FRANCE IN AMERICA [1603 



the Late Province of New York (2 vols., 1830), is also a 
contemporary writer. 

Topographical and social data are obtainable from 
Edmund Burke, An Account of European Settle?nents in 
America (2 vols., London, 1757); Jonathan Carver, Travels 
through the Interior Parts of North America (London, 1778) 
— although Professor E. G. Bourne, in a paper read at the 
Chicago meeting of the American Historical Association 
(December 29, 1904), casts doubt on the authenticity of 
this work; Thomas Hutchins, Journals of iy6o {Penn- 
sylvania Magazine of History, II., 149); Thomas Jefferys, 
Natural and Civil History of the French Dominions in North 
America (London, 1760); and Robert Rogers, Concise 
Account of North America (London, 1765). 

SPECIAL COLLECTIONS OF SOURCES AND CONTEMPORARY 
ACCOUNTS 

John Montressor's "Journal" of the Louisburg siege and 
"The Journal of an Officer at the Siege of Louisburg" are 
in New York Historical Society, Collections (1881), 151, 179. 
T. Pinchon, Memorials on Cape Breton (London, 1760), is 
also a valuable contemporary account. 

The Nova Scotia Historical Society, Collections (11 vols., 
1879-1900) contain much documentary material on Acadia. 
So also Gaston du Boscq de Beaumont, Les derniers jours 
de VAcadie (1899), and T. B. Akins, Selections from Public 
Docviments of the Province of Nova Scotia (1869). 

Doughty and Parmelee, The Siege of Quebec and the 
Battle of the Plains of Abraham, already cited, is a com- 
prehensive and invaluable collection of documentary 
material of every description, connected with this event. 
There are also several journals of the siege of Quebec in 
the Quebec Literary and Historical Society, Historical 
Documents (5th series, 1840-1877). 

General operations in the St. Lawrence valley may be 
studied in Siege of Quebec and Conquest of Canada in 
1759, by a Nun of the General Hospital (1855); H. R. Cas- 



30I 

^cial 
y in 
aign 
rical 
lis, a 
888- 
edits 

id in 
h the 
ry of 
Bou- 

573). 
Hons 
5, v., 
?rrell 
con- 
) in 



302 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1750 



ume I., of Thwaites, Early Western Travels (31 vols., 
1904), may be studied for conditions on the extreme Eng- 
lish-Indian frontier. William M. Darlington, Gist's Jour- 
nals (1893), is invaluable. So also J. M. Toner, Journal of 
Colonel George Washington, 1754 (1893); W. C. Ford, 
Washington's Writings (14 vols., 1889-1893), I., II.; A. T. 
Goodman, Journal of Captain William Trent (1871); 
Dinwiddle Papers (Virginia Historical Society, Collec- 
tions, III., IV., 1883-1884); N. B. Craig, Memoirs of 
Major Robert Stoho (1854); and "Letters of Orme, on 
Braddock's Defeat," in Historical Magazine, VIII., 353. 
" Recollections of Augustin Grignon " {Wisconsin Histori- 
cal Collections, III., 195) throw light on the operations of 
western Indians at Braddock's defeat. The Captivity of 
Hugh Gibson, 17 5^)- 17 59 (Massachusetts Historical Society, 
Collections, 3d series, V., 141) illustrates conditions in the 
Ohio valley. 

On the French regime in the old northwest in general, 
but the upper lakes especially, consult Michigan Pioneer 
and Historical Society, Historical Collections (30 vols., 
1877-1901), especially X., XIX.; and Wisconsin Historical 
Collections (17 vols., 1854-1905), especially V., XVI., XVII. 

The Pontiac conspiracy may profitably be studied in 
James Bain, Henry's Travels (1901). Thomas Morris, 
Journal, 1764, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, L, gives 
his thrilling experiences on the Maumee towards the close 
of Pontiac's war. 

Southern documents of the period will be found in South 
Carolina Historical Society, Collections (5 vols., 1857-1897), 
and B. F. French, Historical Collections of Louisiana and 
Florida (ist series, 5 vols., 1846-1853; 2d series, 2 vols., 
1869-1875). 

Besides the New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia 
colonial records and archives, above mentioned, the student 
of intercolonial politics should consult Archives of the 
State of Neiv Jersey (22 vols., 1 880-1 900), particularly 
VIII. ; Records of the Colony of Rhode Island (10 vols., 1856- 
1860), particularly V., VI.; G. S. Kimball, Correspondence 



303 

=3); 

med 
X)n- 
Hs- 
3on, 
nial 
Ad- 



R 

)ve ; 
igle 

for 
hof 
2(ia, 
ar," 

sea 



304 FRANCE IN AMERICA [1750 



to repeat. A few have, however, been selected, some of 
which are not mentioned in the foot-notes of this volume, 
with which the student will find it desirable to become 
acquainted. 

In Revue Canadienne, particularly I., IV., X., XVI., are 
articles by E. Rameau de St.-Pere on colonial administra- 
tion in New France ; also by the same authority is France 
aux Colonies (1859). Military history is well summarized 
in J. W. Fortescue, History of the British Army (3 vols., 
1899), and naval in W. L. Clowes, The Royal Navy (7 
vols., 1 897-1 903). Canadian conditions are summarized 
in P. A. de Gaspe, Les Anciens Canadiens (1863). 

The standard history of Newfoundland is D. W. Prowse, 
History of Newfoundland from the English, Colonial, and 
Foreign Records (1895). On Acadia, the latest authority 
for the side of the emigres, is Edouard Richard, Acadia 
(2 vols., 1895), written in English. An excellent account, 
in French, is E. Rameau de St.-Pere, Une Colonic feodale 
en VAmerique (2 vols., 1889). James Hannay, History of 
Acadia (1879 and several subsequent editions), is the 
standard English authority outside of Parkman's works. 
The chief authorities on Cape Breton and the siege of Louis- 
burg are J. G. Bourinot, Historical and Descriptive Ac- 
count of Cape Breton (1892), and R. Brown, History of the 
Island of Cape Breton (1869). On the siege of Quebec, 
consult Doughty and Parmelee, above cited, and Ernest 
Gagnon, Le fort et le chdteau de St. Louis (1893) — less local 
than the title indicates. The Hudson Bay region may be 
studied in Beckles Willson, The Great Company (1899), and 
George Bryce, Remarkable History of the Hudson's Bay 
Company (1900). 

On the New York frontier, see Pennsylvania Magazine 
of History, III., 11; J. R. Simms, Frontiersmen of New 
York (2 vols., 1882); and F. W. Halsey, The Old New 
York Frontier (1901). On the Pennsylvania frontier, see 
Report of Commission to Locate the Sites of the Frontier 
Forts of Pennsylvania (2 vols., 1896). The war and condi- 
tions in the Ohio valley may be studied in T. J. Chapman, 



305 

ches 
. H. 

On 
V of 
erd, 
.eph 
'.tile. 
ities 

A. 
new 
dIs., 
eres 

be 
ia.ce 



mt, 

;sis- 

ler- 

:on, 
ake 
inst 
6i; 



3oS FRANCE IN AMERICA 



Basques, Newfoundland fish- 
ery, 5. 

Batts, Henry (Thomas), ex- 
plorer, 40. 

Baugis, Chevalier de, super- 
sedes La Salle, 67. 

Beaujeu, Sieur de, and La 
Salle, 68. 

Beaujeu, H. M. L. de, attacks 
Braddock, 177; killed, 179. 

Beausejour, Fort, importance, 
184-187; captured, 187. 

Belle- Isle, Marshal, on French 
foothold in America, 238. 

Bibliographies, of French in 
America, 296; of siege of 
Quebec, 296. 

Biencourt in Acadia, 15. 

Bienville, Sieur de, in Louisi- 
ana, 72, 76, 79-82. 

Bigot, Franfois, rascality, 200, 
220, 238; trial, 264. 

Biloxi settlement, 74, 75. 

Biographies of French in Amer- 
ica, 305. 

Bishop, power of Canadian, 
1 29. 

Boone, Daniel, explorer, 40; 
at Braddock's retreat, 180; 
settles in Louisiana, 292. 

Boscawen, Edward, siege of 
Louisburg, 224-229. 

Bougainville, L. A. de, at Que- 
bec, 248, 249. 252; retires on 
Montreal, 261, 262. 

Boundaries, New England-New 
France, 24; Nova Scotia 
(17 1 3), 28-30; Louisiana 
(i 7 1 2) , 81; Spanish Louisi- 
ana, 281; bibliography, 305. 
See also Claims. 

Bounty, scalp, 33; military 
land, 159. 

Bouquet, Henry, with Forbes, 
235- 

Bourbon, Fort, 97. 
Bourgmont, Sieur de, trader, 83. 
Bouriamaque, Chevalier de, at 
Ticonderoga, 232; confronts 



Amherst, 245, 250; at Mont- 
real, 260, 262. 

Braddock, Edward, character, 
167; preparation for expedi- 
tion, 174; force, 175; ad- 
vance, 175-177; defeat and 
retreat, 177-181; death, 180; 
losses, 181. 

Bradstreet, John, plan against 
Louisburg, 1 10 ; captures Fort 
Frontenac, 233, 234. 

Bretons, Newfoundland fishery, 
5- 

Burton, Ralph, at Three Rivers, 
265. 

Bute, Earl of, rise, 266. 
Byng, Admiral, and Port Ma- 

hon, 198. 
Byrd, Fort, 196. 

Cabot, John, voyages, 3-5; 
landfall, 3. 

Caen, William de, grant, 20. 

Cahokia, mission, 84; growth, 
85; school, 8^. 

Canada, traditional visits, 7; 
Cartier's exploration, 8; at- 
tempted settlements, 8-10; 
grant to Pontgrave, 10, 11; 
settlement of Quebec, 16; 
motives of settlement, 17; 
interior explored, 17 ; services 
of Champlain, 18; economic 
condition, 18, 138; under 
corporate control, 19; Hun- 
dred Associates, 20; Catho- 
lic monopoly, 20, 138; mis- 
sionaries, 21, 22; conquered 
(1629), 22; restored (1632), 
22; and irregular Indian 
warfare, 32, 33; settlements 
(1632), 34; origin of Iroquois 
hostility, 35; Iroquois raids, 
36, 37; peace with Iroquois 
(1646), 37; royal control, 38; 
character of settlement, 41, 
42, 126; and Hudson's Bay 
Company, 44-48; influence 
of climate, 124; Quebec as 



irst 
in 
Dec, 
42; 
md 

Dm- 

on- 

)m- 
38; 

)m- 

ts. 

tre, 

[I. 

lish 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



tives. 17; and naval power, 
Qo, 109, 125, 139. 

Commerce, Newfoundland as 
centre, 7; Great Lakes route. 
52; English, in Mississippi 
Valley, 77,78; French Louisi- 
ana, 82-84 ; growth of French 
West Indian, 90; illicit Ca- 
nadian, 92, 107, 135, 136; 
illicit English, with Spanish 
colonies. 99; Spanish Louisi- 
ana, 293. See also Fur-trade. 

Connecticut, Louisburg expedi- 
tion, 112. See also New Eng- 
land. 

Contrecocur, Sieur de, at Fort 
Duquesne, 177. 

Cook, James, at siege of Louis- 
burg, 228; in advance on 
Quebec, 244. 

Council, Canadian, 129. 

Coureiirs de bois, 133. 

Coxe, Daniel, expedition to 
Mississippi, 79. 

Cresap, Thomas, trail, 154. 

Crevecoeur, Fort, 63. 

Crown Point, fort at, loS; plan 
against (1746), 119; John- 
son's expedition, 1S1-183; 
abandoned, 250. 

Crozat, Antoine, control of 
Louisiana. 80. 

Cuba, British seize, 269; re- 
stored, 273, 275. 

Cumberland, Ohio Company's 
fort, 154; Braddock's base, 
174. 

Dauphin, Fort, 97. 

Delaware Indians in French 
and Indian War. 189. 236. 

Denonville, Marquis de, on 
English claims, 92. 

Denys, Nicolas, in Acadia, 15. 

Detroit, importance, 53; trans- 
ferred to British, 263; with- 
stands Pontiac, 279. 

Devonshire, Duke of, ministry, 
204. 



Dieskau, Baron, confronts John- 
son, 182; captured, 182. 

Dinwiddie, Robert, and French 
in Ohio Valley, 158-160, 165- 
167; on Dunbar, 189; and 
Washington, 193. 

Doreil on Montcalm, 213. 

Douay, Anastase, with La Salle, 
69; with Iberville, 73. 

Draper's Meadows settlement, 
152. 

Drucour, Chevalier, defence of 
Louisburg, 226-229. 

Duchambon, Chevalier, de- 
fence of Louisbtirg, 115. 

Duluth, D. G., rescues Accau, 
64. 

Dumas, Captain, on importance 
of Ohio Valle^^ 157; defeats 
Braddock, 179; Indian raids, 
190; at Montreal, 260. 

Dunbar, Thomas, in Braddock's 
expedition, 177, 180, 189. 

Duquesne, Marquis, governor, 

158, 182. 

Duquesne, Fort, importance of 
site, 157; English begin fort, 

159, 160; French seize, 160; 
named, 161; Braddock's ex- 
pedition, 174 -181; raids 
from, 190, 191; isolated, 234; 
Forbes's expedition, 234-236 ; 
abandoned, 236; threatened 
by French, 250; rebuilt as 
Fort Pitt, 251. ^ 

Duquesnel ait Louisburg, 109. 

Du Tisne, C. C, trader. 83. 

Duvivier, Charles (?), captures 
Canseau, 109; attacks Annap- 
olis, 110. 

Easton, Indian convention, 
236. 

Economic conditions, Canadian, 
18, 41, 42, 126, 131, 132, 138. 
See also Commerce, Fisheries, 
Fur-trade. 

I Education, schools in Illinois. 

1 85. 



1 1 



'5; 

]2. 

lo- 

9- 
lio 
[or 
>i ; 
ef- 
)n, 

5). 
)8; 
'2 ; 

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m, 
lo- 

vn 

5). 

on 
in 

on 
ds 



312 FRANCE IN AMERICA 



pedition, 234-236; Indians 
desert French, 236; desperate 
condition of New France, 
237,238; English plan (1759), 
241; Wolfe, 241, 242; fall of 
Quebec, 242-254; advance 
down Lake Champlain, 250; 
capture of Fort Niagara, 251 ; 
English treatment of habi- 
tants, 255, 260, 264, 265; 
Quebec after capture, 255- 
257; French siege of Quebec, 
257 - 259; capture of Mon- 
treal, 259-263; surrender of 
Canada. 263; terms of peace, 
272-275; results inevitable, 
276; bibliography, 299-305. 
See also Seven Years' War. 

Frontenac, Count de, and Mis- 
sissippi, 57. 

Frontenac, Fort, built, 59; La 
Salle develops, 60; captured, 

233. 234. 

Frontier, belts, 145-147; char- 
acter of pioneers, 147 ; Scotch- 
Irish settlers, 148; raids and 
guard, 188-197; forts, 196; 
proclamation line, 277; Pon- 
tiac's raids, 279. 

Fur- trade, monopoly, 10, 12, 
38; importance of Canadian, 
17, 126, 127, 134; effect of 
Iroquois hostility, 37; Hud- 
son's Bay Company and 
French, 46-48, 98; La Salle's 
patents, 60-63; growth of 
English, 67, 91-93, 136; Ca- 
nadians fear Louisiana, 80; 
illegal, 92, 136; effect of Fox 
hostility, 97; noble traders, 
133- 

Gage, Thomas, at Montreal, 264. 

Gal vez, Bernardo de, in Louisi- 
ana, 288; campaigns against 
English, 288. 

Gist, Christopher, explorations, 
40, 153. ^ 

Governor, Canadian, 129. 



Grants, Chauvin (1600), 10, 11; 
Monts (1603), 12; Guerche- 
ville (16 1 2), 13; Alexander 
(1622), 14; Associates, 19; 
Caen (1620) , 20; Hundred As- 
sociates (1627) , 20; Hudson's 
Bay, 44; La Salle (1677), 60; 
Crozat(i7i2),8o; Law(i7i7), 
81; Ohio Company, 152. 

Great Lakes, Mississippi port- 
ages, 49-51 ; exploration, 52. 

Groseilliers, Sieur des, in West, 
42, 55; and Hudson's Bay 
Company, 44. 

Guercheville, Madame de, grant, 
13- 

Hanbury, John, in Ohio Com- 
pany, 153. 

Havana captured, 269. 

Haviland, William, advance on 
Montreal, 260. 

Haw^ke, Sir Edward, defeats 
French, 240. 

Hennepin, Louis, with La Salle, 
59,61; expedition, 63; Lout- 
siane, 64; Nouvelle Decou- 
verte, 65. 

Holbourne, Admiral, Louisburg 
expedition, 208, 209. 

Hopkins, Stephen, at Albany 
congress, 170. 

Howard, John, explorer, 40. 

Howe, George, Lord, in Amer- 
ica, 224; as a soldier, 231; 
killed, 232. 

Hudson's Bay Company, es- 
tablished, 44; powei^, 45; 
Indian trade, 46, 98; profits, 
46; conflict with French, 47; 
possession secured, 48; and 
Northwest Passage, 94; in 
King George's War, 122; 
bibliography, 304. 

Huguenots, attempted settle- 
ments, 9; and Canada, 12, 20, 
138. 

Hundred Associates, grant, 20; 
surrender control, 38. 



113 

rst, 



; in 
Llli- 

ro- 
on- 
ex- 
,rd, 
ira, 
sal, 

)pi, 

lie, 

>ns, 

md 
62; 

32- 



314 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



La Corne, Saint-Luc de, guards 

Ontario, 245. 
La Galette, Fort, 261 
La Harpe, Bernard de, post on 

Arkansas, 83. 
La Jonquiere, Fort, 97. 
Land, Indian idea of grants, 31 ; 

Virginia military bounty, 

159- 

Langlade, Charles de, at Brad- 
dock's defeat, 179. 

La Reine, Fort, 97. 

La Roche, Marquis de, at- 
tempted settlement, 10. 

La Salle, Sieur de, early career, 
58; and Jesuits, 58; character, 
58, 61, 71; on Ohio, 58; re- 
puted discovery of Missis- 
sippi, 59; seigniory, 59, 60; 
patent, 60, 67, 68; and Tonty, 
61 ; voyage of Griffon, 61-63; 
builds Fort Crevecoeur, 63 ; 
return to Canada, 63, 66; en- 
emies, 66, 67; on Mississippi, 
66; at Starved Rock, 67; at- 
tempted colony, 68, 69; mur- 
dered, 69; fate of colony, 69- 
71- 

La Tours in Acadia, 15. 

Launay, journeys, 75. 

Laurain, trader, 83. 

La Verendrye, Sieur de, in 
Northwest', 95-97. 

La Verendrye, Pierre, Chevalier 
de, sights the Rockies, 97. 

Law, John, Company of the 
West, 81, 87. 

Lawrence, Charles, at Louis- 
burg, 224, 227. 

Le Boeuf, Fort, 157. 

Lederer, John, explorer, 40. 

Lemos, Gayoso de, in Louisiana, 
292. 

Lery, Chaussegros, on the Ohio, 
94. 

Lescarbot, Marc, in Acadia. 12. 
Le Sueur, P. C, explorations, 
76. 

Levis, Chevalier de, at Ticon- 



deroga, 232; attack on Que- 
bec, 257-259; at Montreal, 
263. 

Levis, Fort, captured, 261. 
Leyba, Francisco de, and Clark, 

289. 

Ligneris, Marchand de, aban- 
dons Fort Duquesne, 236. 

Ligonier, Fort, 196. 

Lig-uest, P. L., and St. Louis, 
284. 

Local government, none in Can- 
ada, 130. 

Logstown, English trading-post, 
154- 

Lords of Trade and Albany 

congress, 169, 171. 
Loudoun, Lord, in command, 

198; incompetence, 202; Lou- 

isburg expedition, 208, 209; 

recalled, 222. 
Loudoun, Fort, 196. 
Louis, Fort, 76. 

LouislDurg, built, 1 06 ; trade w4th 
Boston ,107; importance, 1 09 ; 
plans against (1745), no; 
colonial expedition against, 
1 1 i-i 13 ; defences, 113; siege, 
114-116; fall, 116, 117 ; credit 
for reduction, 117; rejoicing 
over fall, 118; colonies reim- 
bursed, 118; English garri- 
son, 118; restored, 122; Lou- 
doun's expedition, 208, 209; 
siege (1758), 224-229; sur- 
render, 229; losses, 229; de- 
stroyed, 230; present condi- 
tion, 230; bibliography, 300, 
304- 

Louisiana, La Salle takes pos- 
session, 67; attempted colo- 
ny, 68-71; settlement, 72- 
75; and English, 77-79; and 
Spain, 78; fur- trade, 80; di- 
rect royal government, 80, 
87; Crozat's rule, 80; boun- 
daries of French, 81; Law's 
Company, 81, 87; New Or- 
leans becomes centre, 81; 



315 

La 

-84. 
ans- 

52. 

and 



ma, 

on, 
and 
■57; 

55; 

56; 
rea- 
Lted 

on, 
lish 
91. 
ikes 



3i6 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



245, 247-249, 251; Plains of 
Abraham, 253; death, 254; 
bibliography, 305. 

Montgomery, Richard, with 
Forbes, 235. 

Montreal, Cartier at, S; Iroquois 
raids, 37; co-operating ex- 
peditions against , 259-262; 
surrender, 262. 

Monts, Sieur de, grants, 10, 11, 
13, 19 ; in Acadia, 12. 

Mount Desert Island, Argall's 
raid, 14. 

Murray, James, with Wolfe, 
243; defends Quebec, 255- 
259; advance on Montreal, 
260. 

Natchitoches, fort at, 82. 

Navy, and colonization, 90, 109, 
125, 139; growth of English 
power, 91, 109, 267, 271; 
Anson's exploit, 102-104; in 
King George's War, 113, 117, 
119, 120; in Seven Years' 
War, 197, 209, 217-219, 224, 
228, 240, 243, 248, 252, 267, 
269-271; decay of French, 
218, 267; bibliography, 304. 

Necessity, Fort, 162-164. 

Nemacolin's Path, 154. 

Neutrality, England's disre- 
gard, 268. 

New England, and Acadia, 23- 
25; northward trend, 25-^0; 
and Abenaki, 30-33; training 
of border warfare, 33; bibli- 
ography of wars, 301, 303. 
See also wars by name. 

New France, population (1689) , 
26. See also Acadia, Canada, 
Claims, Explorations, Fur- 
trade, Illinois, Louisiana, and 
sections and wars by name. 

New Hampshire, Louisburg ex- 
pedition, 112. See also New 
England. 

New Jersey and preparation 
against French (1754), 166. 



New Orleans, founded, 81; as a 
centre, 282. 

New York,_ northward trend, 
25; Louisburg expedition, 
112; and preparation against 
French (1754), 166; bibliog- 
raphy of frontier, 301, 304. 
See also wars by name. 

Newcastle, Duke of, and French 
in America, 119, 167; and 
military preparation, 197; 
retires, 204; and Pitt, 207. 

Newfoundland, fisheries, 4-6; 
English control, 6; trade 
centre, 7; St. John's, 7; 
French control, 27; receded 
(1697), 27; captured and re- 
taken (1762), 270; French 
fishing rights, 272; bibliog- 
raphy, 304. 

Niagara, Fort, built, 53, 108; 
Shirlej^'s expedition, 183; iso- 
lated, 234; captured, 251. 

Nicolet, Jean, exploration, 17, 
42... 55- 

Nobility, Canadian, 130-134. 
Normans, Newfoundland fish- 
ery, 5- 

Norridgewock, Rale's control, 
31 ; raids from, 32 ; destroyed, 
32. 

Norsemen on American coast, 5. 

North Carolina and Ohio ex- 
pedition (1754), 159. 165. 

Northwest, trade-routes recom- 
mended, 95; La Verendrye's 
enterprise, 95-97; French 
and Hudson's Bay Company, 
98; bibliography, 302, 305. 

Northwest Passage, search for, 
53, 94; Mississippi as, 54-57- 

Nova Scotia, named, 14. See 
also Acadia. 

Ohio Company, grant, 152; ex- 
plorations, 153; post at Cum- 
berland, 154; trail to Red- 
stone, 154; fort at Forks, 
159, 160. 



;i7 

uis, 

va.T, 
lili- 

'17; 
■07; 

3ses 

iac, 

:sne 

;les, 

ires 

Dec, 

ige, 
ida, 

eat, 



3i8 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



Pouchot defends Niagara, 245. 

Pourre, Eugenio, St. Joseph ex- 
pedition, 290. 

Poutrincourt, Baron de, in 
Acadia, 12; and his colony, 
15. 

Prairie du Rocher settled, 84. 
Presq'isle, fort at, 157. 
Prideaux, John, Niagara ex- 
pedition, 251; killed, 251. 

Quartering troops, colonial 
dispute, 205. 

Quebec, Cartier at, 8; Roberval 
at, 9; settlement, 16; site, 16, 
109,125; captured (1629), 22; 
force against (1759) , 242-244; 
river protection, 244; defen- 
sive force, 245; defences, 246- 
248; progress of siege, 248, 
249, 251-253 ; Plains of Abra- 
ham, 253; losses, 254; sur- 
render, 254; after surrender, 
255; condition of English 
troops, 256; French siege, 
257-259; bibliography, 296, 
300, 304. 

Quebec Act, 275. 

Queen Anne's War, 28. 

Quiberon Bay, battle, 240. 

Radisson, Sieur, in West, 42, 
55; and Hudson's Bay Com- 
pany, 44. 

Rale, Sebastian, at Norridge- 
wock, 31; character and ac- 
tions, 31, 32; killed, 32. 

Ramezay, Chevalier de, at Que- 
bec, 245. 

Recollects in Canada, 21, 22, 
61 

Revolution, American, western 
campaigns, 288, 290; Spain's 
western claims, 291. 

Rhode Island, Louisburg ex- 
pedition, 112. See also New 
England. 

.'''ibaud. P. J. A . on Fort Will- 
iam Henry massacre, 212. 



Ribourde, Gabriel, with La 

Salle, 61; killed, 65. 
Richelieu, Cardinal, Hundred 

Associates, 20. 
Roberval, Sieur de, attempted 

settlement, 8. 
Rocky Mountains, first seen, 

84, 97- 

Rogers, Robert, reduces upper 

forts, 263. 
Rollo, Lord, at Louisburg, 229; 

in advance on Montreal, 

260. 

Roquemaure at Montreal, 262. 

Sable Island, La Roche's col- 
onists on, 10. 

St. Ange de Bellerive, in Illinois, 
285; at St. Louis, 286. 

Saint-Castin, Baron de, in Aca- 
dia, 15. 

St. Charles, Fort, 96. 

St. Croix Island, attempted set- 
tlement, 12. 

Ste. Genevieve, settlement, 
284. 

Sainte Helene, Sieur de, at 

Hudson Bay, 47. 
St. John, Fort, abandoned, 

261 . 

St. John's, Newfoundland, im- 
portance, 7. 

St. John's River, Huguenot col- 
ony, 9. 

St. Joseph, Fort, transferred to 
British, 263 ; captured by Pon- 
tiac, 279; Spanish expedition 
against, 290. 

St. Lawrence River, traditional 
visits, 7; Cartier on, 8. See 
also Great Lakes. 

St. Louis, founded, 284; trade, 
293- 

St. Louis, Fort, on Starved 
Rock, 65, 67, 75; on Mata- 
gorda Bav, 68, 70. 

St. Philippe settled, 84. 

St. Pierre, L. J. de, in North- 
west, 97. 



519 

'itt, 



ses- 
iia, 

52- 

not 

03; 
.on. 



tile, 
le's 



320 



FRANCE IN AMERICA 



flees, 254; at Montreal, 262; 
trial, 264. 

Vaughn, William, plan against 
Louisburg, 110. 

Venango, English trading-cen- 
tre, 154; French seize, 15S. 

Vergor, Duchambon, defends 
Beausejour, 187. 

Vernon, Edward, in Spanish 
America, loi; Cartagena ex- 
pedition, loi, 102. 

Vetch, Samuel, and Acadians, 
184. 

Villiers, Coulon de, and Wash- 
ington, 162-164. 

Villiers, Neyon de, leaves Illi- 
nois, 285. 

Vincennes, in 1763, 2S3; Clark 
captures, 289. 

Virginia, and Ohio Company, 
152; Ohio expedition, 159- 
165; military land boimties, 
159- 

Voyages, Cabot, 3-5; Cartier, 
8. See also Explorations. 

Walker, Thomas, explorer, 40. 

Walpole, Sir Robert, peace 
policy, 90, 99; fall, 100. 

Warren, Peter, Louisburg expe- 
dition, 113-117; reward, 118. 

Washington, George, western 
exploration, 40; journey to 
French posts, 158; Ohio ex- 
pedition, 150-161; and Ju- 
monville, 161-164; Fort Ne- 
cessity, 162; surrenders, 163- 



165; with Braddock, 175, 
178-180; guards western 
frontier, 191, 193-197; with 
Forbes, 235. 

Webb, Daniel, at Fort Edward, 
209, 213. 

Went worth, Thomas, Carta- 
gena expedition, 102. 

West, proclamation line, 277; 
Pontiac conspiracy, 278, 279; 
in Revolution, 288-291 ; re- 
lations with Louisiana, 291. 
See also Central basin, Ex- 
plorations, Fur-trade, Illinois, 
Louisiana, Mississippi Valley, 
Northwest, Ohio Valley. 

West Indies, prosperity of 
French, 89; in Seven Years' 
War, 240, 269; readjustment 
by Peace of Paris, 272, 273, 
275- 

Whitmore, Edward, at Louis- 
burg, 224, 227. 

William Henry, Fort, built, 
182; siege. 209-211; massa- 
cre, 211, 212. 

Wills Creek post, 154. 

Wolfe, James, at Louisburg, 
224, 227-230; career and 
character, 241, 242; force 
against Quebec, 242-244; ad- 
vance, 244; progress of siege, 
248, 249, 251-253; Plains of 
Abraham, 253; killed, 253; 
bibliography, 305. 

Wood, Abraham, exploration, 
40. 



END OF VOL. VII.